分类 心理问题 下的文章

Gestalt psychology is a school of thought that looks at the human mind and behavior as a whole. When trying to make sense of the world around us, Gestalt psychology suggests that we do not simply focus on every small component. Instead, our minds tend to perceive objects as elements of more complex systems.

格式塔心理学(完形心理学)流派将人类思想与行为视为一个整体。关于人们对世界的认知方式,格式塔心理学的理论是:我们的大脑并非只是单独关注各部分,而是倾向于把事物视作更复杂整体系统中的组成元素

A core belief in Gestalt psychology is holism, or that the whole is greater than the sum of its parts.1 This school of psychology has played a major role in the modern development of the study of human sensation and perception.

格式塔心理学的核心理念是整体论,即,整体要大于各部分之总和。该流派对人类感受与认知相关研究的现代发展产生了重大影响。

Gestalt Meaning
格式塔的释义

Gestalt is a German word that roughly means "configuration" or the way things are put together to form a whole object.

Gestalt (ɡəˈʃtælt)是德语词汇,本意为“配置”,即一个整体中,各构成部分的组合方式

History of Gestalt Psychology
格式塔心理学历史

Originating in the work of Max Wertheimer, Gestalt psychology formed in part as a response to the structuralism of Wilhelm Wundt.

最早源于 Max Wertheimer (马克斯·韦特海默)的研究。这一思想流派的形成原因之一,是当时为回应 Wilhelm Wundt 的结构主义。

While followers of structuralism were interested in breaking down psychological matters into their smallest possible parts, Gestalt psychologists wanted instead to look at the totality of the mind and behavior. Guided by the principle of holism, Wertheimer and his followers identified instances where perception was based on seeing things as a complete whole, not as separate components.

结构主义支持者倾向于将事物尽可能分解成一个个最小组分。格式塔心理学家则倾向于将人类大脑和行为视为整体。以整体主义为指导原则,Weitheimer 与其支持者们指出了一些人类从整体(而非“部分”)角度认知事物的情形。

A number of thinkers influenced the development of Gestalt psychology, including Immanuel Kant, Ernst Mach, and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe.

Wertheimer developed Gestalt psychology after observing what he called the phi phenomenon while watching alternating lights on a railway signal. The phi phenomenon is an optical illusion where two stationary objects seem to move if they are shown appearing and disappearing in rapid succession. In other words, we perceive movement where there is none.

格式塔心理学流派的形成,受到了众多思想家的影响。其中包括:Immanuel Kant, Ernst Mach, 和 Johann Wolfgang von Goethe。

Wertheimer 在看到一个铁路标志上交替闪烁的灯所产生的、被其称为Phi的现象(似动现象)后,创立了格式塔心理学。Phi现象是一种视觉错觉,即两个静止物体连续交替闪现、消失,就会造成在移动的错觉。换言之,在物体静止时,我们却观测到物体在移动

Based on his observations of the phi phenomenon, Wertheimer concluded that we perceive things by seeing the whole perception, not by understanding individual parts. In the example of blinking lights at a train station, the whole we perceive is that one light appears to move quickly between two points. The reality is that two separate lights are blinking rapidly without moving at all.

根据对这一现象的观察,Wertheimer 总结说,我们是通过整体来观测事物的,而非只观察某一部分。在观察火车站的这种闪烁的灯时,我们观察到的整体是一个灯似乎在两点之前快速移动。而实际上只是两个不同的灯在静止情况下快速闪烁而已。

Influential Gestalt Psychologists
具有影响力的格式塔心理学家

Wertheimer's observations of the phi phenomenon are widely credited as the beginning of Gestalt psychology and he went on to publicize the core principles of the field. Other psychologists also had an influence on this school of psychology.

Wertheimer 对 phi 现象的观察被普遍认为是格式塔心理学的开端。最后,他出版了这一心理学流派的一些核心理念,另外也有一些其他的心理学家对这一流派产生了影响。

Wolfgang Köhler: Köhler connected Gestalt psychology to the natural sciences, arguing that organic phenomena are examples of holism at work. He also studied hearing and looked at problem-solving abilities in chimpanzees.

Wolfgang Köhler:Köhler 将格式塔心理学与自然科学联系到一起,并认为各种有机现象正是整体主义的实例。他的研究内容还包括听觉,以及大猩猩的问题解决能力。

Kurt Koffka: Together with Wertheimer and Köhler, Koffka is considered a founder of the field. He applied the concept of Gestalt to child psychology, arguing that infants first understand things holistically before learning to differentiate them into parts. Koffka played a key role in bringing Gestalt principles to the United States.

Kurt Koffka:Kurt Koffka 与 Weitheimer和 Köhler 被共同视为这一领域的创始人。他将格式塔的理念应用到了儿童心理学中。认为婴儿在了解事物时,首先是从整体去认知的,然后才是学会将他们细分为不同的组成部分。Koffka在将格式塔心理学理念带入美国这一过程中发挥了关键作用。

Principles of Gestalt Psychology
格式塔心理学的核心理念

Gestalt psychology helped introduce the idea that human perception is not just about seeing what is actually present in the world around us. It is also heavily influenced by our motivations and expectations.

格式塔心理学提出了这样一个理念:即,人类的认知,不仅仅是只看到我们周围存在的事物,同时还受到我们的动机以及期望的强烈影响

Wertheimer created principles to explain how Gestalt perception functions. Some of the most important principles of Gestalt theory are:

Weitheimer提出了一些格式塔认知原则。其中一些最重要的原则包括

1

Prägnanz: This foundational principle states that we naturally perceive things in their simplest form or organization.

*简单原则:我们在认知事物时天生倾向于将事物简化为最简单形式或结构。

2

Similarity: This Gestalt principle suggests that we naturally group similar items together based on elements like color, size, or orientation.

*相似性原则:天生倾向于根据物体颜色、大小或方向将相似物体归为同一组。

3

Proximity: The principle of proximity states that objects near each other tend to be viewed as a group.

*相近性原则:倾向于将距离较近的归为一组。

4

Continuity: According to this principle, we will perceive elements arranged on a line or curve as related to each other, while elements that are not on the line or curve are seen as separate.

*连续性原则:人们会将位于同一直线或曲线上的物体视为具有关联性,而将不处于同一直线或曲线上的物体视为无关联性。

5

Closure: This suggests that elements that form a closed object will be perceived as a group. We will even fill in missing information to create closure and make sense of an object.

*闭合性原则:构成一闭合物体的各元素会被归为一组。我们甚至还会为了实现闭合感、为了让自己感觉自己能够理解某事物,而补充缺失的信息。

6

Common region: This Gestalt psychology principle states that we tend to group objects together if they're located in the same bounded area. (For example, objects inside a box tend to be considered a group.)

*共同空间原则:我们倾向于将处于同一边界内的物体归为一类(例如:我们倾向于将一个箱子里的物品视为一组)。

Uses for Gestalt Psychology
格式塔心理学的实际应用

There are several uses for Gestalt psychology, some of which include those related to therapy, design, and product development.

格式塔心理学在多个领域得到应用,其中包括心理治疗,产品设计,产品开发等。

Gestalt Therapy
格式塔心理疗法

Gestalt therapy is based on the idea that overall perception depends on the interaction between many factors. Among these factors are our past experiences, current environment, thoughts, feelings, and needs.

格式塔心理疗法是基于这样的观点:整体认知,取决于多项因素的互相作用

这些因素中包括我们往昔的经历,当前的环境、想法,感受和需求等。

Gestalt therapy focuses on the present. While past context is important for viewing yourself as a whole, a Gestalt therapist will encourage you to keep your focus on your present experience.

格式塔心理疗法主要是聚焦于现在,尽管往昔也是一个人整体的重要一部分,但是格式塔心理医生通常会鼓励你主要聚焦于当前体验。

Research suggests Gestalt therapy is effective at treating symptoms of depression and anxiety, and it may help people gain confidence and increase feelings of self-efficacy and self-kindness. It is often a helpful way to structure group therapy.

研究显示,格式塔心理疗法在治疗抑郁症和焦虑等症状时颇为有效,而且可能还会帮助人们获得自信,并增强自身的能力感和自我善意,而且他通常还是设计集体治疗方法的有益途径。

The therapeutic process is very reliant on the relationship between the cl ient and therapist. As a client, you must feel comfortable enough to develop a close partnership with your therapist, and they must be able to create an unbiased environment where you can discuss your thoughts and experiences.

这种治疗过程非常依赖于患者与心理医生之间的关系。作为患者,你必须感到足够的自在,能够与你的心理医生建立亲密的关系,而且心理医生必须能够创造一种毫无偏见的、让你可以自由谈论自己想法和经历的治疗氛围。

Design
设计

Beginning in the 1920s, designers began incorporating Gestalt principles in their work. Gestalt psychology led these designers to believe that we all share certain characteristics in the way we perceive visual objects and that we all have a natural ability to see "good" design.

从上世纪20年代开始,设计师们就开始在自己的工作中纳入了格式塔心理学的一些理念。格式塔心理学让这些设计师认为我们在物体观测方式上,都有着一些特定的相同特征,而且我们天生就有能力识别“好”的设计。

Designers embraced Gestalt concepts, using our perception of contrast, color, symmetry, repetition, and proportion to create their work. Gestalt psychology influenced other design concepts, such as:

设计师们采纳了格式塔心理学的一些理念,而且利用了我们对对比、色彩、对称、重复和比例的认知方式来设计他们的作品。格式塔心理学也影响了其他设计概念,比如:

Figure-ground relationship
主体-背景关系(图底关系/正负形关系)

This describes the contrast between a focal object (like a word, phrase, or image) and the negative space around it. Designers often use this to create impact.

焦点物体(比如一个词、一个短语、一幅图像)与周围负空间之间的关系。设计师通常用这一关系来创造冲击力。

27521660897765_.pic.jpg

Visual hierarchy
视觉层次

Designers use the way we perceive and group visual objects to establish a visual hierarchy, ensuring that their most important word or image attracts our attention first.

设计师利用我们对视觉对象的观察和分类方式建立一种视觉层次,从而确保最重要的词语或图像会首先吸引我们的注意力。

Associativity
关联性

This concept involves the principle of proximity. Designers often use this to determine where to place important objects, including text elements like headlines, captions, and lists.

这一概念涉及到了“相近原则”。设计师通常利用这一点来确定重要对象的位置,其中也包括文本元素,比如:标题、图片说明和列表等。

Product Development
产品开发

Product designers use Gestalt psychology to inform their decisions during the development process. Consumers tend to like products that follow Gestalt principles.

产品设计师在产品开发过程中也常常会用到格式塔心理学帮助他们制定更明智决策,消费者通常喜欢符合格式塔心理学原则的产品。

This influence can be seen in the appearance of the products themselves and in their packaging and advertising. We can also see Gestalt principles at work in apps and digital products. Concepts like proximity, similarity, and continuity have become standard to our expected user experience.

这种影响不仅见诸产品的外观,同时也见诸产品的包装和广告。另外,在App和数码产品中也可以见到格式塔原则的应用。像相近性、相似性以及连续性等原则已经成为预期用户体验的标准。

Impact of Gestalt Psychology
格式塔心理学的影响

Gestalt psychology has largely been subsumed by other types of psychology, but it had an enormous influence on the field. Researchers like Kurt Lewin and Kurt Goldstein were influenced by Gestalt concepts before going on to make important contributions to psychology.

格式塔心理学理论已经在很大程度上被其他心理学流派采纳吸收,但它对心理学领域曾产生过巨大影响。像 Kurt Lewin 和 Kurt Goldstein 等研究者们在对心理学做出重要贡献之前,都受到了格式塔心理学概念的影响。

The idea that the whole is different than its parts has influenced our understanding of the brain and social behavior. Gestalt theory still impacts how we understand vision and the ways that context, visual illusions, and information processing impact our perception.

整体,不等于各部分之总和,这一概念影响到着我们对大脑以及社会行为的理解。格式塔理论依旧影响着我们对视觉的理解、对“背景、视觉错觉、信息处理方式对人类认知力的影响方式”的理解。

Gestalt therapy continues to influence many areas of our lives. Its emphasis on a holistic approach plays an important role in cognitive psychology, perception, and social psychology, among other fields.

格式塔疗法继续影响着我们生活中的很多领域,它对整体角度的侧重在认知心理学、认知能力、社会心理学等多个领域都扮演着重要角色。

Serotonin may not explain depression, but research on other brain pathways may provide answers.
血清素可能无法解释抑郁症,但关于其他脑部回路的研究可能会给出答案。

The wiring and rewiring of our brains (neuroplasticity) is influenced by our lifestyle and may affect depression.
大脑的塑造与重塑(神经可塑性)受到我们生活方式的影响,而且可能会影响到抑郁症。

Our inflammatory state is affected by things like diet quality and sleep quantity, and has been linked to depression.
炎症状态受到饮食质量和睡眠量的影响,而且已被认为与抑郁症有关。

The gut-brain connection and our hormonal state are influenced by lifestyle choices, and are connected to brain health and depression.
肠-脑连接与我们的荷尔蒙状态均受到我们生活方式的影响,而且被认为与大脑健康和抑郁症有关。


For the last half-century, the dominant explanation for depression has centered on serotonin. The basic idea: low levels of brain serotonin or serotonin activity leads to symptoms of depression. This theory, which is known as the “serotonin hypothesis,” is based on several data points, including animal research and the effects of antidepressants that are supposed to work by increasing brain serotonin levels. But, in the last several decades, a number of researchers have challenged the idea that serotonin plays a principal or even major role in depression.

在过去半个世纪中,关于抑郁症的主流解释一直围绕着血清素展开。其基本理论是:低血清素水平或血清素的低活跃性导致了抑郁症症状产生。该理论被称之为“血清素假说”,基于多种数据,其中包括动物研究、血清素水平提升型抗抑郁药的效果等。但在过去数十年中,大量研究人员都对“血清素在抑郁症中扮演着主要甚至最关键角色”的这一理论提出了挑质疑。

In recent days, the serotonin hypothesis of depression has been explicitly challenged by a number of scientific publications. Most notable (at the time of this writing), a paper published in Nature Molecular Psychiatry reviewed several lines of evidence on the subject of the serotonin-depression connection and concluded that “the main areas of serotonin research provide no consistent evidence of there being an association between serotonin and depression, and no support for the hypothesis that depression is caused by lowered serotonin activity or concentrations.”

近来,关于抑郁症的这一血清素假说已经被众多科学文章明确质疑。其中(在本文创作之时)最值得关注的,是出版于自然出版集团《分子精神病学》杂志中的一篇文章。该文章综述了关于血清素-抑郁症联系的多组证据,得出结论:在关于血清素的主要研究活动中,并无证据能充分证明血清素与抑郁症之间的关系,也无证据支持“抑郁症由低血清素活跃性或低血清素浓度导致”这一假说。

Datapoints like this recent study point to a major question: if serotonin isn’t driving depression, what does explain the brain state of the hundreds of millions of people living with it? While there are many potential explanations, here are four major systems that may prove more important to the brains of people with depression, and some ways we may be able to target them.

这类研究所提供的数据都指向了一个更大的问题:如果抑郁症并非因血清素导致,那么究竟该如何解释这种见诸数以亿计患者的大脑状态呢?尽管有很多潜在的可能,以下是可能会被证明对抑郁症患者大脑有更大影响的四种主要系统,以及我们针对这些系统可采取的应对措施。


NO.01

Brain Rewiring (Neuroplasticity)
大脑重塑(神经可塑性)

One of the most empowering results of neuroscience research is the idea that our brains are constantly being rewired. Specifically, our neurons are actively changing the number and strength of their connections to other neurons and to non-neuron brain cells called “glia.” This is a process called “neuroplasticity,” and it’s increasingly thought to play a role in mood disorders like depression.

神经科学研究的最具赋能意义的成果之一,是“我们的大脑在不断被重塑”这一观点。具体而言,神经元在不断改变它们与其他神经元和非神经元脑细胞(被称为胶质细胞)之间的连接数量与强度。这一过程即”神经可塑性“,越来越多的人认为这一过程在诸如抑郁症等情绪障碍中扮演着特定的作用。

Supporting factors for the neuroplasticity-depression connection include imaging findings, cell study research, and measurements connected to the rewiring process. The basic idea is that in depression, there may be issues with the quality, number, and type of connections our neurons make, and this may help explain depression symptoms. Importantly, research is showing that we may be able to positively affect neuroplasticity through lifestyle factors like exercise, learning new things, and, potentially, certain dietary modifications. There is also data showing that conventional antidepressants, as well as psychedelics, may positively influence neuroplasticity.

关于神经可塑性与抑郁症之间的联系,证据包括大脑图像、细胞研究,以及与重塑过程相关的测量结果等。其基本概念是:在抑郁症中,神经元所建立的连接的质量、数量和类型可能存在问题,这可能是抑郁症状的原因所在。重要的是,研究显示,我们可能能够通过生活方式来对神经可塑性产生积极影响,比如锻炼、学习新事物,以及或者实施特定的饮食调整等。另外还有数据表明传统抗抑郁药以及致幻剂都可能对神经可塑性产生积极影响。


NO.02

Inflammation
炎症

The planet had a wake-up call to the significance of immune health in the context of the pandemic. But immune health is linked to far more than just risk for infectious disease. In the world of neuroscience and affective disorders, immune activation, and especially inflammation, is thought to be a risk factor for the development of conditions like depression. Higher levels of inflammation in our bloodstream have been shown this, and more broadly, has been linked to worse brain function.

在当前疫情背景下,我们的星球为人类自身免疫系统的重要性敲响了警钟。但健康免疫系统并不仅仅只是与传染型疾病有关。在神经科学和情感障碍的世界,免疫激活,尤其是炎症,被认为是导致抑郁症形成的风险因素之一。血液系统中较严重的炎症已被显示会产生此作用,而且更宽泛来说,已经被与大脑机能下降联系在一起。

When excess or chronic inflammation is present in the brain, it appears to influence a number of pathways involved in depression. First, it may impair the healthy function of neurons by physically damaging them. Inflammation also may block healthy neuroplasticity, while leading to the generation of toxic breakdown molecules like quinolinic acid that could further damage neuron health and contribute to depressive pathology. Within the brain, research shows that unique immune cells called microglia may be key to sustaining inflammation. So how is our inflammatory status regulated? It appears to be sensitive to the quality of our diet, sleep, exercise, stress-lowering interventions, and potentially even nature exposure.

当大脑中存在严重或长期炎症,似乎会影响到与抑郁症相关的众多回路。首先,炎症可能会通过生理破坏的方式损害神经元的健康机能。另外,炎症也可能阻滞健康的神经可塑性,同时导致毒性分解分子,比如喹啉酸的生成,这类分子可能会进一步破坏神经元的健康机能,促使抑郁病症的形成。在大脑中,研究显示某种被称为小胶质细胞的独特免疫细胞(过度活跃)可能是炎症持续存在的关键原因所在。那么,我们的炎症状态是如何被管控的呢?这似乎与我们的饮食质量、睡眠质量、锻炼质量、降压力干预活动或者甚至是与大自然接触程度密切相关。


NO.03

The Gut-Brain Connection
肠脑连接

The gut is home to trillions of bacteria and the majority of our immune cells, making it a major hub for information transfer. A wide range of research now suggests that the gut and the brain are in constant communication, and it’s been proposed that this data exchange may have an effect on everything from our cognitive state to our mood. Researchers have proposed that the state of our gut health (e.g., the leakiness of our gut lining, the immune cells in the gut, and the diversity of the microbes that live in our gut) plays a major role in our mental health and may significantly influence depression symptomatology.

肠道中生存着数以千亿计的细菌以及我们的大部分免疫细胞,这就让我们的肠道成为了一个主要的信息传递中枢。大量研究如今显示肠道与大脑是在不断交流的,而且有理论认为这一数据交流可能对我们有着全方位的影响,从我们的认知状态,到我们的情绪等。也有研究人员提出:我们的肠道健康程度(肠道衬里的渗透性、肠道中的免疫细胞、生存在肠道中的微生物多元性)对我们的精神健康扮演着重要影响,而且可能会对抑郁症症状存在显著影响。

One of the most impressive aspects of our gut is the quantity and diversity of microbes that call it home. These bacteria make up the gut microbiome. Alterations in the bacteria that live in the gut microbiome have been linked to depression. It’s thought that these bacteria may influence brain function through their effects on the vagus nerve (which runs from the gut to the brain), their impact on the immune system (e.g., by affecting levels of inflammation), and through tiny molecules they create (e.g., short-chain fatty acids) which may reach the brain by way of the bloodstream.

关于我们的肠道,最令人震撼的一点,就是生存于其中的微生物的数量与种类。这些细菌构成了肠道微生物组。肠道微生物组中细菌的变化已被提出与抑郁症相关。有观点认为这些细菌可能会影响到迷走神经(从肠道直至大脑)、影响免疫系统(比如,通过影响炎症程度来实现)、或生成可能会被血流带入大脑的微小分子(短链脂肪酸),从而最终影响大脑机能。


NO.04

Endocrine (Hormonal) Changes
内分泌(荷尔蒙)变化

When it comes to the regulation of brain function, a wide range of hormone pathways are thought to play important roles. This research extends to depression. And while certain hormonal changes can be hard to reverse, there’s also much we can do to help improve aspects of our endocrine signaling pathways.

在大脑机能管理方面,大量荷尔蒙回路被认为发挥着重要作用,这类研究也涉及到了抑郁症。尽管某些荷尔蒙变化很难被逆转,但我们依旧有很多方式去改善我们的内分泌信号传递回路。

Likely the strongest endocrine-depression connection, dysregulation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis (a.k.a. the stress system) is thought to significantly increase risk for depression. For example, people with an episode of major depression are 2.5 times more likely to have experienced a stressful event prior, and a single high-stress event has been found to increase risk for a depressive episode by 1.4 times. Issues with HPA system balance may contribute to depression by negatively impacting the hippocampus, increasing inflammation, damaging neuroplasticity and even killing off neurons. A number of strategies have been shown to be successful in regulating HPA function ranging from daily meditation to regular exercise to time in nature.

下丘脑-垂体-肾上腺(HPA)轴(也被称为应激系统/压力系统)可能是内分泌与抑郁症之间的最强关联所在。这一系统的失调被认为能够显著增加抑郁症患病风险。例如,严重抑郁症发作的患者在发作前经历过高应激事件的几率是无抑郁症发作人群的2.5倍。单一高应激事件会将抑郁发作的几率提高1.4倍。HPA系统失衡,会对海马体产生负面影响、恶化炎症、破坏神经可塑性,甚至杀死神经元,可能因此就会催生抑郁症。很多策略都被证实可有效调节HPA机能,比如日常冥想、在定期在大自然中运动等。

Another important link between hormones and depression relates to estrogen. This hormone is thought to have a number of brain-protective roles, including enhancing neuroplasticity. It has been proposed that declining levels of estrogen and related hormones during and after menopause may help explain the higher rates of depression seen by women in this period. While some research suggests that estrogen replacement therapies may present an interesting treatment strategy, there’s still considerable debate around the safety of this practice.

荷尔蒙与抑郁症的另外一个重要关联,与雌激素有关。雌激素被认为具有很多大脑保护功能,其中包括提升神经可塑性。也有理论认为,在更年期期间与之后,雌激素与相关荷尔蒙的降低,可能与这一时期女性抑郁症发病率增加有关。尽管一些研究显示雌激素替换疗法可能会是一种值得关注的治疗方式,但关于这种疗法的安全性依旧存在巨大争议。

Insulin is a key metabolic hormone that facilitates the uptake of glucose by cells throughout the body. In the brain, insulin is thought to regulate blood sugar as well as influence memory and behavior. Insulin resistance is an increasingly common condition of metabolic dysfunction, where our bodies have trouble sensing insulin and using glucose, and it’s now been linked to a substantially higher risk of developing depression. A wide range of techniques can help improve insulin resistance in most people, especially those related to dietary modification and exercise.

胰岛素是一种关键的新陈代谢荷尔蒙,它可以促进全身细胞对葡萄糖的摄取。在大脑中,胰岛素被认为可以调节血糖并影响记忆和行为。胰岛素抵抗是一种越来越普遍的新陈代谢失调病症,这种病症下,我们的身体难以发现胰岛素,从而难以利用葡萄糖。现在这一病症也被认为会导致抑郁症患病风险显著提高。有很多方法可以用于改善大多数人的胰岛素抗性,尤其是关于饮食结构改变和运动的方法。


Does this mean antidepressants don’t work?
这是否意味着抗抑郁药无效

No. The current best evidence says that antidepressants, including SSRIs, do work to treat people who have depression. This study isn’t a reason to stop taking antidepressants. Instead, it suggests that we don’t understand how antidepressants work as well as we thought.

并非如此,当前最有力证据表明:抗抑郁药,其中包括SSRI,的确是对抑郁症患者有效的。新研究结果并非意味着我们需要停止服用抗抑郁药,而是表明我们还并未充分了解抗抑郁药的工作原理。

SSRI medications operate on neurons, which communicate via neurotransmitters. Serotonin is one of these neurotransmitters, which is released by a neuron and then travels to and binds to other neurons. After serotonin has been released by one cell and then communicated with another cell, it gets taken back up to await the next time it needs to be released. SSRIs block that reuptake, meaning the serotonin stays floating between cells for longer and potentially relays its message multiple times before being taken back up.

SSRI药物作用于神经元,神经元通过神经递质互相交流。血清素是其中一种神经递质,由神经元释放,之后前往其他神经元并与这些神经元结合。在血清素被一个细胞释放,然后与另外一个细胞交流后,会被收回,等待下次被释放。SSRI阻碍这种”再回收“过程,这样,血清素就能够在细胞之间浮动更长时间,就有可能在被收回之前多次重复传递信息。

We know that SSRIs improve depression, and we know that one thing SSRIs do is allow serotonin receptors to be stimulated more often. So a simple model of depression would suggest that depressed people just don’t have enough serotonin. Maybe the reason SSRIs work is that they increase serotonin levels when they are too low. This is a reasonable first hypothesis about how depression works. The new review, however, suggests that this simple explanation isn’t right. When you measure people’s serotonin levels, it doesn’t tell you whether they are depressed or not.

我们知道SSRI可以改善抑郁症,而且我们也知道SSRI的作用之一是让血清素受体被更频繁刺激。因此,如果从简单的抑郁症模型来看,就会得出抑郁症患者血清素不足的结论。可能SSRI之所以奏效,是在血清素水平较低时提高血清素水平。这一假设听起来的确是合理的。但文首的这一研究却显示这一假说并不正确。血清素水平并无法表明是否抑郁。

The authors of the new study also raise a counterintuitive possibility: In the long term, SSRIs might actually reduce the amount of serotonin levels in the brain. This would be due to the brain—which is plastic and can change over time—adjusting to the presence of the SSRIs. Some studies have found that people who take SSRIs over a long period of time actually have lower levels of serotonin, suggesting that taking the medication might lead the brain to produce less serotonin naturally. Taking this into account would mean developing an explanation for how antidepressants work that operates on two different time scales. In the short term, they might increase serotonin levels. Longer term, they might reduce them.

这一新研究的作者们也提出了一种听起来并不合理的可能性:长期而言,SSRI可能实际上是减少大脑中的血清素水平。这可能是因为面对SSRI,大脑自动调整适应,毕竟大脑是可塑的,会随时间而改变的。一些研究也发现,长期服用SSRI的患者实际上血清素水平更低,这反映出,服用这一药物可能会导致大脑自然降低血清素分泌量。如果将这一理论考虑进来,就意味着在研究抗抑郁药工作原理时,需要纳入两个不同的时间段。短期而言,药物可能会提升血清素水平,但长期而言,可能反而会降低血清素水平。


So why do antidepressants work?
那么为什么抗抑郁药奏效呢

The next logical question to ask is why antidepressants do seem to work. The frequently taught “chemical imbalance” model—at least where serotonin is concerned—may not be true. Serotonin is not just a “depression chemical” but may be involved in more complicated systems or reactions. Or antidepressants might work by changing other aspects of brain chemistry.

这自然而然就引出下一个问题:为什么抗抑郁药的确似乎是奏效的呢?课堂上常常教的”化学物质失衡“模型——至少在血清素相关方面——可能并不正确。血清素不仅仅只是一种抑郁化学物质,它可能还参与一些更复杂的系统或反应。或者,抗抑郁药之所以奏效,是因为它们改变了大脑化学状态的其他方面。

One recent article argues that the fact that antidepressants typically take approximately two weeks to start working means their most important effects might be in changing neuroplasticity—that is, altering the way the brain functions over time. They cite some evidence that SSRIs may increase neuroplasticity or cause stress to have less harmful effects on neuroplasticity. These sorts of alternative explanations should be taken more seriously now, as scientists move to a deeper understanding of what does—and doesn’t—cause depression.

一篇近期发布的文章认为,抗抑郁药通常会在两周后才开始发挥作用,这意味着它们的最重要作用可能是在于改变神经可塑性,即,逐渐改变大脑运作方式。文章作者引用了一些证据,这些证据表明SSRI可能会提升神经可塑性,或降低压力对神经可塑性的损害。现在来看,科学家们对抑郁症致病原因和非致病原因的理解已经向更深入的方向发展,我们对与上面类似的各种不同的解释理论应该更认真对待。

原文链接:

https://www.psychologytoday.com/intl/blog/the-modern-brain/202207/if-serotonin-doesnt-cause-depression-what-does

https://www.psychologytoday.com/intl/blog/how-do-you-know/202207/serotonin-imbalance-found-not-be-linked-depression

本期作者:Psychology心理探寻

Identity disturbance is a term used to describe incoherence, or inconsistency, in a person's sense of identity. This could mean that a person's goals, beliefs, and actions are constantly changing.

身份紊乱”形容一个人在对个人身份的认知上不连贯、不一致。这可能就意味着一个人的目标、信念和行为始终在不断变化。

It could also be that the person takes on personality traits of people around them, as they struggle to have and maintain their own identity.

也可能是一个人难以建立并保持个人身份,因此采用了身边其他人的性格特征。

The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) describes identity disturbance as a "markedly and persistently unstable self-image or sense of self" and notes it is one of the key symptoms of borderline personality disorder (BPD).

DSM-5手册将身份紊乱描述为:“自我形象或自我感明显且持续不稳定”,并指出,这是边缘人格障碍(BPD)的主要症状之一。

Of course, people without BPD struggle with identity disturbance, too. But people with BPD often have a very profound lack of sense of self, or loss of identity. If you struggle with the feeling that you have no idea who you are or what you believe in, this may be a symptom you can relate to.

当然,非BPD患者也可能会存在身份紊乱问题,但BPD患者通常严重缺乏自我感、或身份感严重缺失。如果你一直感觉自己不知道自己是谁,不知道自己信奉什么,一直因这种感觉饱受困扰,那么你可能就会理解这种症状。


Understanding Identity
“身份”的概念

Identity is often thought of as your overarching sense and view of yourself. A stable sense of identity means being able to see yourself as the same person in the past, present, and future. In addition, a stable sense of self requires the ability to view yourself in the same way despite the fact that sometimes you may behave in contradictory ways.

身份通常被认为是你对自己的整体感觉和认知。稳定的身份感意味着无论在过去、现在还是将来,你始终觉得自己是同一个人,另外,即使当你偶尔行为与素日迥异,你对自己的看法也依旧不会改变。

Identity is quite broad and includes many aspects of the self. Your sense of self or identity is thought to include the following elements:

身份是一个很宽泛的概念,包含自我的很多方面。你的自我感或身份感被认为包含以下因素:

Your beliefs and attitudes
你的信念和态度
Your perception of your abilities
你对个人能力的认知
Your ways of behaving (even as these change)
你的行为方式(即使行为方式有变化)
Your personality and temperament
你的个性与性情
Your opinions
你的观点
The social roles you play
你扮演的社会角色

Identity can be thought of as your self-definition; it’s the glue that holds together all of these diverse aspects of yourself.

身份可以被视为你的自我定义,它是将你各个不同方面黏结在一起的黏结剂。


Why Identity Is Important
为何“身份”很重要

Having a sense of identity serves many different functions. A strong identity can help you adapt to changes. While the world around you is constantly changing, if you have a strong sense of self, you essentially have an anchor to hold you while you adapt. Without that anchor, changes can feel chaotic and even terrifying.

拥有“身份感”有很多不同的作用。牢固的身份感可以帮助你应对变化。当身边世界不断在变化,如果你具有牢固的自我感,它就会像是一个船锚,在你调整适应时将你稳稳固定住。没有这一船锚,各种变化就会感觉混乱无序,甚至恐怖。

In addition, having a strong identity allows you to develop self-esteem. Without knowing who you are, how can you develop a sense that you are worthwhile and deserving of respect?

另外,拥有牢固的身份感,可以培养良好的自尊感。如果不知道你是谁,你如何能够觉得自己有价值,觉得自己值得尊重呢?


Signs/迹象

Identity disturbance is sometimes called identity diffusion. This refers to difficulties determining who you are in relation to other people. Some people with BPD may describe this as having difficulties understanding where they end and the other person begins.

身份紊乱有时也被称为身份弥散。这是指在人际关系中很难判定自己是谁。一些BPD患者可能会将此描述为:很难理解他们与其他人的分界线。

People with BPD often report that they have no idea who they are or what they believe in. Sometimes they report that they simply feel non-existent. Others even say that they are almost like a "chameleon" in terms of identity; they change who they are depending on their circumstances and what they think others want from them.

BPD患者通常表示他们不知道自己是谁,不知道自己真正的信念所在。有时他们说他们纯粹感觉自己不存在。其它一些人甚至表示他们感觉自己在身份感方面,自己就像是一条变色龙,他们的身份随着周围环境和身边人对自己的期望而不断改变。

For example, you might find yourself being the life of the party at social events, but having a somber and serious demeanor at work functions. Of course, everyone changes their behavior to some degree in different contexts, but in BPD this shift is much more profound.

例如,你可能会发现自己在社交活动中扮演着活力四射的核心角色,但在工作聚会中却严肃庄重,当然,每个人在不同场景中都会在一定程度上改变个人行为,但在BPD患者中,这种变化要远远更显著。

Those experiencing identity disturbance likely experience inconsistent beliefs and behaviors; they may also tend to over-identify with groups or roles over their individual identity.

存在身份紊乱的人可能会信念和行为不一致。他们也可能会常常过于认同集体身份或某些角色,将集体身份和这些特定角色放在个人身份之前。

Many people with identity disturbance in BPD say that in addition to changing behavior, their thoughts and feelings change to match the current situation. For example, they might frequently change their minds about the following:

很多具有身份紊乱的BPD患者表示,除行为的变化之外,他们的想法和感受也会随着客观情形发生变化。例如,他们可能会对以下事项频繁改变他们的想法:

Their career/他们的事业
Friendships/友谊
Aspirations/志向
Their opinions and beliefs/观点和信念
Other major life decisions/主要人生决策

As a result, many people with BPD struggle to set up and maintain healthy personal boundaries and have difficulties in their interpersonal and intimate relationships. They may also have trouble committing to values, goals, and jobs.

In addition, those with identity disturbance find that their moods change frequently and unpredictably.

因此,BPD患者很难设立并维持健康的个人界限,难以应对人际和亲密关系,可能还难以全身心坚守特定价值观、目标和工作等。

另外,身份紊乱者也会发现他们的情绪会频繁突然波动。


Relationship Issues in BPD
BPD患者的人际关系问题

Those who are struggling with identity disturbance in BPD commonly have trouble forming close relationships with other people. Someone with identity disturbance likely experiences the negative effects of low self-esteem, including a lack of self-respect and personal boundaries. This can make it especially difficult to form bonds with other people.

身份紊乱的BPD患者通常难以与他人建立亲密关系。一些身份紊乱者可能会受到低自尊感的负面影响,其中包括缺乏自我尊重,缺乏个人界限。这可能就会让密切关系的建立变得尤为困难。

Another relationship challenge for those with identity disturbance is feeling a lack of support or meaninglessness in their relationships. Feeling an "emptiness" inside is common for those with identity disturbance.

他们在人际关系方面的另一问题是感觉缺乏支持,或者感觉这段关系毫无意义。他们通常内心有种“空虚感”。

Since it's hard for them to find meaning within themselves, they may face challenges finding meaning in relationships with their family, friends, and romantic partners.

由于他们很难在自身中找到意义所在,他们可能就很难找到各种家人、朋友和恋情等人际关系的意义所在。


Causes/起因

There has been very little research on the identity problems associated with BPD, but there are many theories as to why people with BPD often struggle with identity. For example, Marsha Linehan, PhD, a leading BPD researcher and the founder of dialectical behavior therapy (DBT), believes you develop an identity by observing your own emotions, thoughts, and feelings, in addition to others’ reactions to you.

关于BPD方面的身份问题,研究极少,但对于为何BPD患者通常遭受身份问题困扰,却有很多理论。例如,领先BPD研究专家,辨证行为疗法(DBT)创始人 Marsha Linehan博士认为,一个人对自己身份的认知,是通过观察个人情绪、思想、感受以及他人对自己的反应而形成的。

Borderline personality disorder is associated with emotional instability, impulsive behavior, and dichotomous thinking. All of these factors can make it difficult to form a coherent sense of self, because internal experiences and outward actions are not consistent.

而BPD则与情绪不稳定性、冲动行为和对立思维相关。这些因素都会让人难以形成连贯的自我认知,因为其内在体验与外在表现出的行动并不一致。

In addition, many people with BPD come from chaotic or abusive backgrounds, which may contribute to an unstable sense of self. If you determine who you are based on others’ reactions to you, and those reactions have been unpredictable and/or scary, you have no framework for developing a strong sense of identity.

另外,很多BPD患者有着混乱无序或充满虐待的成长背景,这可能也会助长自我感的不稳定性。如果你根据别人对你的反应来判断你是谁,而且这些反应都不可预测且/或可怕,那么你就缺乏一个形成牢固身份感的框架。

The ability to understand the mental states of yourself and others is known as mentalizing. This is especially difficult for those with identity disturbance and BPD. This means they struggle with comprehending human behaviors and intentions, making it extra challenging for them to know themselves and others intimately.

了解个人和其他人的心理状态,这一能力被称为“心理化”。这对身份紊乱的BPD患者尤为困难。这意味着他们很难理解人类行为和本意,因此也就让他们尤其难以了解自己,深入了解他人。

One study published in 2017 showed that this problem with mentalizing may play a key role in why people with BPD struggle so much with identity diffusion and interpersonal relationships.

2017年发布的一项研究显示,关于BPD患者为何存在严重身份弥散问题,为何如此难以应对人际关系,心理化能力可能发挥着关键作用。


Identity Status Theory by James Marcia
James Marcia的身份状态理论

James Marcia identified four identity statuses: identity diffusion, identity foreclosure, identity moratorium, and identity achievement. These identity statuses are ways to resolve the identity crisis and then establish a commitment to this identity. In this context, the term crisis is a period of development where the adolescent experiences alternative identities and then chooses. The term commitment is the decision that the adolescent makes on what he or she is going to do. Commitments include occupation, religion, philosophy, sex roles, or personal standard of sexual behavior.

James Marcia提出了四种身份状态:

身份弥散、身份早闭、身份延期、身份达成。

通过这些状态,可消除身份危机、对想要坚守的身份做出承诺。在这里,

危机,是指一个发展阶段,在这一发展阶段中,青少年经历不同身份,然后做出选择。

承诺,是指青少年对要选择的方向做出决定,包括职业、宗教、哲学、性角色,或个人性行为标准。

Identity diffusion is the status where adolescents have not experienced any identity crisis yet. They have yet to explore meaningful alternatives and they have yet to make any commitments. During this status, adolescents do not show interest in occupational or ideological choices.

身份弥散状态:青少年尚未经历任何身份危机。尚未探索各种有意义的选项,尚未做出承诺(决定想要坚守的身份)。在这一状态中,青少年对各种职业或意识形态选项并不会表现出兴趣。

Identity foreclosure is the status where adolescents have decided on a commitment; however, they have not had an identity crisis. That is, the adolescent has not had any opportunity to experience alternatives. The adolescent accepts what others have chosen for him or her. Usually, this occurs when an authoritative parent passes on their commitment to the adolescent. These same adolescents will identify more closely to the same-sex parent. For example, if a father is a mechanic and owns his own business, then his son will become a mechanic and take over the business.

身份早闭状态:青少年做出了承诺(决定了想要坚守的身份),但尚未经历身份危机。即,青少年尚未有机会去探索不同可能。他们只是接受了别人为其做出的选择。通常发生的情形是,一位专制的父母将个人人生路线传递给了青少年孩子。青少年会更倾向于认同同性父母的身份。比如,如果一位父亲是自己创业的机械维修师,那么他的孩子也会成为机械维修师并接管其生意。

Identity moratorium is a marginal period where the adolescent is on the verge of an identity crisis; however, the adolescent has not made any commitments yet. The term moratorium refers to a period of delay where someone had not yet made a decision. It is during this time that they experience different roles. During this period, adolescents and young adults will court one another, look at different career opportunities, explore philosophies and so on.

身份延期状态:这是一个短暂阶段,该阶段中,青少年处于一次身份危机的边缘,但尚未做出承诺(尚未选择想要坚守的身份)。延期,是指一个人推迟做决定的一段时间。在这一时间段中,他们体验不同角色。这一阶段中,青少年或刚成年者会互相示好,了解不同职业机会、探索不同哲学理念等。

Identity achievement is the final status where the individual has gone through a psychological moratorium and have made their decisions for life. These individuals have explored different roles and opportunities and have come to conclusions and made decisions on their own.

身份达成:一个个体经历身份延期阶段,然后决定人生方向。他们已经探索了不同角色和机会,已经做出了最终决定。

In short, James Marcia found that a person’s identity is not “set” and is quite fluid. Before a person’s identity is chosen, individuals go through a process, whether it is forced on them or not, to determine their identity. A person’s identity is made up of commitments made by the individual. These commitments are decisions made throughout one’s life that determines “who” that person will be.

简而言之,James Marcia发现,一个人的身份并非固定的,而是很灵活的。在一个人选择自己的身份之前,他会经历一个身份探索过程,无论这一过程是被迫经历与否。一个人的身份是由其承诺(所选择坚守的方向)组成的,而这些承诺是指一个人一生中所做出的、决定了他是谁的种种决策。


How to Find Yourself
如何找到自我

So how do you go about answering the question Who am I? Of course, there is no magic solution for identity problems. However, most treatments for BPD include components that can help you begin to discover who you are and what you stand for.

那么,如何知道“我是谁”呢?当然,身份问题并没有神奇答案。但很多针对BPD的治疗方案都包含一些能够帮助你发现“你是谁”以及你的信念的元素。

Often, the first step is finding a good therapist who can help you work on identity problems. Treatments for BPD that may help with identity disturbance include:
通常,第一步是找到一个能够帮助你解决身份问题的好的心理咨询师。一些可能有助于解决身份紊乱的BPD治疗方式包括:

01
Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT)/
认知行为疗法(CBT):

This type of therapy can help identify any limiting beliefs a person has about themselves or others, making it easier over time to form relationships. It also addresses underlying anxiety and mood symptoms.
该疗法可以识别一个人对自己和他人的具有局限性的观念,从这些观念入手,让患者更易于建立人际关系。同时该疗法还可应对底层焦虑和情绪症状。

02
Dialectical behavior therapy (DBT)/
辨证行为疗法(DBT):

This helps someone cope with intense emotions and control destructive behaviors. Mindfulness is often a technique used in DBT.

该疗法帮助应对强烈情绪,帮助控制破坏型行为。正念是DBT中常用的一种技巧。

03
Mentalization-based treatment (MBT)/
心理化疗法(MBT):

In MBT, a therapist helps a person with BPD improve their interpersonal skills. This type of therapy aims to strengthen their understanding of what they and others are thinking or feeling.

该疗法可提升BPD患者人际技能。该疗法旨在增强患者对个人与他人想法和感受的理解能力。

04
Transference-focused psychotherapy (TFP)/
移情焦点疗法(TFP):

In TFP, as a client engages with their therapist, aspects of their identity disturbance plays out in the treatment relationship in many of the same ways they would with someone in their personal lives. This provides a way for the therapist to support an integration of different aspects of the patient self.
该疗法中,在患者与咨询师互动过程中,其身份紊乱症状中的一些方面也会像在其他人际互动中一般自然展现出来。这样就有助于咨询师将患者自我的这些各种不同方面统一起来。

05
Schema-focused therapy (SFT)/
图式聚焦疗法(SFT):

SFT integrates a variety of psychotherapeutic techniques to try and help patients change entrenched, self-defeating patterns, or schemas, that might be contributing to challenges with identity.
该疗法集合了各种不同心理治疗技巧,旨在帮助患者改变可能催生身份问题的一些根深蒂固的有害思维模式(即这里的“图式”)。

*Schema,即认识这个世界各种具体和抽象事物的框架。比如一个孩子对狗的Schema是有毛,四条腿。在见到老虎后可能就会认为老虎是一只狗。随着阅历和知识增加,他会不断建立新的Schema,更新既有Schema。

In addition, there are ways that you can work on identity disturbance on your own. You can begin to discover what you view as meaningful in your life. This type of self-discovery may be most effective in conjunction with therapy, especially as people with identity disturbance tend to struggle to find meaning.

另外还有其他方法。你可以开始探索你觉得自己生命中有意义的事物,这种类型的自我探索在心理治疗辅助下会发挥最大效用,尤其是对于受身份紊乱困扰且常常难以寻找到意义的人群而言。

Knowing what's most important to you can connect you with a greater sense of identity. Many people find creative outlets to be helpful ways to express and learn about themselves.

知道什么对自己最重要,可以让你形成一种更牢固的身份感。很多人发现创意表达十分有助于自我表达和自我了解。

Everyone struggles with identity issues. You're not alone if you sometimes wonder who you are and what significance your life has. If you struggle with identity disturbance, know that there are health care professionals and many treatment types that can help. With the right support, you can overcome identity disturbance—and other symptoms of BPD.

每个人都受到身份问题的困扰,如果有时候你在自己是谁、自己人生意义方面存在疑惑,那么你并非孤例。你需要知道有心理健康专业人士和很多治疗方法可以帮助你。如果有正确的帮助,你可以克服身份紊乱问题以及BPD的其他症状。

目录:

何为集体癔症
集体癔症的起因与特征
历史上最令人费解的12件集体癔症事件
萨勒姆女巫审判
法国猫叫修女
咬人的修女
1518年的舞蹈瘟疫
米兰投毒恐慌
里尔寄宿学校巫术癔症
1688爱尔兰恐慌
哈默史密斯闹鬼癔症
哈利法克斯剃须刀伤人者
台北剃须刀伤人者
坦噶尼喀州笑声瘟疫
麦克马丁幼儿园虐童集体癔症

Mass hysteria, more formally known as mass psychogenic illness (MPI), is the spread of illness symptoms or physiological changes that have no bacterial, environmental or pathogenic cause. Such cases of mass hysteria have been documented for hundreds of years, and continue to this day!

集体癔症(癔症/歇斯底里,指表现出过度强烈或不受控制情绪的行为),更正式的名称是群体性心因性疾病(MPI),是指没有任何细菌、环境或病原体起因的疾病症状或生理变化在群体中扩散。数百年来一直存在这种群体癔症案例记录,至今依旧存在。

During the Salem Witch Trials of 1692-1693 in colonial Massachusetts, 19 people were killed on suspicion of being witches or practitioners of the dark arts. More than 200 people were accused, and the entire tragedy was an example of mass hysteria. After a handful of girls displayed physical symptoms similar to epileptic fits, accusations of witchcraft began to spread among the colonial settlers. Neighbors turned against one another, false reports were made, and physical symptoms manifested in more citizens. This remains one of the most famous and deadliest examples of mass hysteria in history, but it is far from the only one.

在殖民地时期马萨诸塞州 1692-1693年的塞勒姆女巫审判事件期间,19人因被怀疑是女巫或实施邪恶巫术而被处死。超过200人被指控,整个悲剧都是集体癔症的一个鲜明例子。在最初一些女孩表现出一些类似于癫痫发作的生理症状后,对巫术的怀疑开始传播于殖民者群体中。邻居们互相揭发、诬告。更多市民都表现出了生理症状。这至今依旧是历史上最致命、后果最恶劣的集体癔症例子,但绝非唯一。

Even in this information age of the 21st century, with smartphones and instant access to articles about mass hysteria, there are still examples of this phenomenon happening around the world. What in the world could cause such bizarre events of collective weirdness?

即使是在21世纪信息时代,智能手机无处不在,关于集体癔症的文章随时都可立即获取,但集体癔症现象依旧存在。到底是哪些原因导致了这种奇怪的集体怪异呢?

What is Mass Hysteria? 何为集体癔症?

Mass hysteria is medically classified as a mass psychogenic disorder, meaning that it is a condition that begins in the mind, rather than the body. Imagine dozens of nuns in a convent that begin meowing at one another (Middle Ages), or hundreds of soldiers all begin to experience respiratory symptoms, despite not being exposed to any toxins or pathogens (1988). Whereas a contagious pathogen can be traced by its physical movement between hosts, mass hysteria spreads like a contagious outbreak of fear, anxiety or mania.

集体癔症在医学上被归类为一种群体性心因障碍,即,是一种源于心理而非生理因素的病症。想象一座修道院里数十位修女一起向彼此喵喵叫(中世纪),或者数百位士兵一起产生呼吸症状,尽管并未接触任何毒素或病原(1988)。对于具有传染性的病原体,在宿主之间可追踪到其传播踪迹,但集体癔症的传播像是一种具有传染性的恐惧、焦虑或癫狂爆发

Although there is not technically a “cause” that can be pointed towards, the symptoms that manifest are often very real, including dizziness, headaches, vomiting, fainting, biting, dancing, flailing, spasming and dozens of other manifestations that have been documented throughout history.

尽管无确切“原因”,但集体癔症所表现出的症状通常非常真实,包括眩晕、头痛、呕吐、晕倒、咬人、跳舞、肢体疯狂乱扭、痉挛,以及历史上所记录的其他数十种症状

Given the strange nature of this phenomenon, it has been the subject of intense study and speculation over the years. Simon Wesley, a British psychiatrist, suggested that there are two forms of mass psychogenic illness—mass anxiety hysteria and mass motor hysteria. The former is characterized by the experience of intense anxiety, and is often accompanied by recognizable symptoms of anxiety, including nausea, headaches, dizziness, difficulty breathing, vomiting, fainting and psychological distress. This type of hysteria is believed to spread through visual contact with others experiencing these symptoms, which induces similar symptoms in the observer. This “line of sight” causation is coupled with other individuals in the same environment who are not experiencing any negative symptoms.

鉴于这一现象的奇怪性质,多年来围绕该主题有众多研究和猜测理论。英国精神学家Simon Wesley认为,有两种形式的群体心因疾病——

群体焦虑癔症和群体机动癔症

前者的特征是患者经历强烈焦虑,通常伴有明显的焦虑症状,包括恶心、头痛、眩晕、呼吸困难、呕吐、晕倒和心理痛苦等。这一类型的癔症的传播方式被认为是:看到其他人表现出这些症状,激发了观察者自身的类似症状。这种因“视线”而导致的传播情形中,同环境中也有其他人并不会表现出任何负面症状。

The second form of mass psychogenic illness—mass motor hysteria—is characterized by strange motor activity in the body; anxiety symptoms often develop before a physical manifestation appears. This could include biting, dancing, running, jumping, partial paralysis, trembling, or more violent physical tics and outbursts. Unlike mass anxiety hysteria, this variety tends to spread more gradually, and may last for longer periods of time. In some cases in history, mass motor hysteria has persisted for weeks or even months.

第二种形式,即群体机动癔症,特征是奇怪的肢体活动。在表现出肢体症状之前通常会表现出焦虑症状。这些肢体症状包括:咬人、跳舞、奔跑、跳跃、局部瘫痪、发抖、或更猛烈的肢体痉挛和动作等。同群体焦虑癔症不同,这一类型癔症通常传播方式更偏向于渐进式,而且可能会延续更长时间。历史上,一些群体机动癔症曾延续数周,甚至数月。

Causes and Characteristics of Mass Hysteria 集体癔症的起因与特征

This unusual phenomenon is still poorly understood in the medical community, as the conditions cannot be organically replicated; when a case arises, it can be studied in the moment, but due to certain characteristics of “epidemic hysteria”, long-term study or analysis is impossible. The causes behind these instances vary widely, but there are some clear elements to its etiology.

医学界对这一非正常现象至今依旧所知甚少,因为这类病症无法自然复制。当这样一个事件发生时,当时可以对其进行研究,但鉴于“流行癔症”的特定特征,完全无法开展长期研究或分析。这类事件各自背后的起因有着很大不同,但却有着一些明确的因素。

01 Isolation / Societal Segregation

In many cases of mass psychogenic illness, those affected are in an isolated or segregated group, such as a convent, school, rural community or military base etc. The community tends to be close-knit and may be subject to the same type of lifestyle or belief structure. This slight distance from the rest of the world is believed to help cultivate and spread this phenomenon. You will rarely see an outsider coming into such a situation and becoming afflicted by the MPI.

隔离——社会隔离:在很多群体心因疾病案例中,患者通常处于一个被隔离的群体内,比如修道院、学校、农村群体或军事基地等。这些群体通常关系紧密,而且可能具有相同的生活方式和信念体系。这种与世界其他地方的略有隔绝的状态,被认为助长了这种现象的发生与传播。几乎很少会看到有外来者进入这样一种情形,然后也患上这种MPI。

02 High-Anxiety Situation

There is usually a significant increase in anxiety that accompanies such an event. This could be driven by an acute situation, such as the fear of spreading disease after one townsperson mysterious falls ill. It could also be a more chronic anxiety issue, such as the general nervousness leading up to a military campaign, a long-term shortage of food, an oppressive culture or government, or an elevated fear of bioterrorism. When these fears are shared among the group, an MPI is more readily triggered. Some experts suggest that throughout history, intense psychological anxiety has led to mass hysteria as a means of escape or relief; abandoning normality and reality can be an effective defense of the mind against existential (or real) threats.

高度焦虑情形:在这类事件中通常伴有焦虑程度的显著增高。这种焦虑可能源于一种突然事件,比如在一位居民莫名患病后,导致对疾病传播的恐惧。也可能源于一种慢性因素,比如在军事战役前的普遍紧张感、长期缺乏食物、压迫式文化或政府或对生化恐怖袭击与日俱增的恐惧感。当这种恐惧在群体中蔓延,就更可能触发MPI。一些专家认为,纵观历史,强烈的心理焦虑曾经导致集体癔症,因为人们将此视为一种解脱或缓解。在面对生存(或现实生活中)威胁时,抛弃常态和现实,可以作为大脑的一种有效防御机制

03 Transient, Benign and Sourceless Symptoms

Although some of the symptoms can be intense, such as wild spasms and vomiting, they are generally harmless and pass relatively quickly (minutes, hours or days). There is no obvious source for these symptoms (e.g., pathogens, bacteria, environmental toxins), and they rarely pose a direct threat to a person’s health. Remember, a physical agent doesn’t need to be responsible; our minds can generate a physiological response just as easily.

转瞬即逝的、良性的、无来源的症状——尽管一些症状很激烈,比如猛烈痉挛和呕吐,但整体而言,集体癔症的症状通常无害,且较快消失(数分钟、数小时或数天)。这些症状并没有明显来源(比如、病原体、细菌、环境毒素),而且几乎很少会对一个人的健康产生直接威胁。记住,并不一定总是实体因素在作祟,我们的思维也可以轻松导致生理反应。

04 Primarily Affecting Females

Although there are many heterogenous examples of mass psychogenic illness, these phenomena have predominantly affected females. Use of the “term” hysteria has largely been discontinued in medical practice and discussion, as it was abused and overused in relation to feminine behavior and psychological frailty in the past century. However, women are often exposed to stressful situations in isolated settings; combined with emotional openness and empathy, this may explain why women seem more commonly affected than men.

主要影响女性:尽管群体心因疾病影响人群各有不同,但主要还是影响女性。在医学执业与讨论中,“癔症/歇斯底里”这一术语已经在很大程度上被停用,因为在上世纪这一词汇在描述女性行为与女性心理脆弱性方面被滥用和过度使用。但在隔绝环境中被置于压力情形的通常是女性,加上女性易于流露情绪且富有同理心,这可能能够解释为什么女性比男性更容易受影响。

05 Age Pattern

– The symptoms often begin in older or more respected members of a group and community, and gradually move down the age range. This was the case in the Salem Witch Trials and many other famous examples. It is as though younger people “take the lead” from older, established individuals. A young person’s trust and inherent respect for an elder makes them more likely to believe in the apparent danger and even fall victim to the same symptoms. This “age cascade” is also interesting in that younger people often show symptoms for a shorter period of time than older sufferers.

年龄规律:集体癔症症状通常始于一个群体或社群中年龄较长或者更受敬重的成员之间,逐渐向更年轻群体传播。在塞勒姆女巫审判以及其他著名案例中均是如此。仿佛年轻人追随着年长、德高望重者的脚步。年轻人对年长者的信任与发自内心的尊重让他们更可能相信有明显危险存在,甚至也发展出同样症状。这种“年龄瀑布”的另一有趣之处在于:年轻人的症状持续期限往往短于年长者

06 Serious Threat

The appearance of symptoms initially seems like the outbreak of a more serious disease or infection. For this reason, even if people suspect an incident to be an episode of mass hysteria, the threat must be taken seriously. School closures, hospitalizations and large-scale responses to outbreaks can increase the legitimacy of the danger, which may lead others to begin developing symptoms. Such a phenomenon can only be identified as an MPI in retrospect, whereas during the event, it must be approached as a serious threat.

宁可相信真正存在危险:症状最初像是一种严重疾病或感染的爆发。因此,即使人们怀疑是集体癔症发作,也必须对可能存在的威胁认真对待。学校关闭、就医、和大规模应对措施等都可能会让人更加觉得有危险存在,就可能导致其他人开始发展出症状。这种现象只能在事件结束后回顾时来判定是MPI,但在事件发生过程中,则必须按照存在真正的威胁来处理。

12 of History’s Most Baffling Mass Hysteria Outbreaks 历史上最令人费解的12件集体癔症事件

Mass hysteria, or collective delusion outbreaks, are more common than people realize. Most are familiar with some of history’s most dramatic mass hysterias, such as the one surrounding the Salem Witch Trials, but other outbreaks have come and gone, without garnering as much attention or causing as much harm as that of Salem.

集体癔症,或集体妄想发作,比人们所知的要更普遍。很多人都很熟悉历史上一些最知名的集体癔症,如萨勒姆女巫审判,但其他一些类似事件并没有吸引很多关注或像萨勒姆事件一样造成如此大伤害。

Mass hysterias are sociogenic, mental illnesses that propagate and spread rapidly within a community, with psychological symptoms sometimes coming out and manifesting themselves as physical conditions. They often are caused by longstanding stresses and fears within a community, with symptoms slowly building up and emerging over a prolonged period of time, ranging from weeks to months. They usually explode in a rapidly contagious outbreak that engulfs the community or a large portion thereof, before subsiding over a period of weeks or months.

集体癔症是由社会因素导致的、在一个社群中快速传播的一种精神疾病,其心理症状有时表现为生理疾病症状。它们通常由社群内的长期压力和恐惧所导致,症状逐渐累积,在很长一段时间内,从数周至数月,逐渐浮现。然后它们通常会迅速传播爆发,迅速蔓延整个社群或社群中很大一部分人群,之后在数周或数月内逐渐消退

While most outbreaks of mass hysteria are more or less harmless, there have been quite a few throughout history that was far more bizarre. Indeed, many outbreaks proved just as dramatic or deadly as the one presaging the Salem Witch Trials, or even more so in their pernicious impact. Following are twelve of history’s most remarkable outbreaks of mass hysteria.

尽管很多集体癔症都或多或少无害,但历史上也有一些极其匪夷所思。很多这类事件都像是萨勒姆女巫审判之前的情形一样夸张或致命,甚至就其各自危害而言,有过之而无不及。下面是历史上12件最知名的集体癔症事件。

01 Salem Witch Trials 萨勒姆女巫审判

Perhaps history’s most famous or infamous case of mass hysteria, the Salem Witch craze of 1692 – 1693 took place against a cultural and religious background that was predisposed to believe in the supernatural. While witchcraft is laughable to most today, in seventeenth-century Colonial America, and especially in Salem and the Massachusetts Bay Colony, it was taken quite seriously. The belief that the Devil could grant witches extraordinary powers in return for their loyalty, and that witchcraft could be used to inflict harm on the good and godly, was taken for granted.

可能是历史上最知名的集体癔症事件了。1692-1693年萨勒姆女巫狂热发生于信奉超自然力量的文化和宗教背景下。尽管如今很多人对巫术只会嗤之以鼻,但在17世纪的美国殖民时期,尤其是在萨勒姆和马萨诸塞湾殖民地,人们却对此深信不疑。人们发自内心认为,魔鬼给予女巫们非凡力量,以换取她们的忠诚,且巫术会危害真善美,危害神圣。

It began in January of 1692 when the 9-year-old daughter and 11-year-old niece of Salem’s reverend started having screaming fits, during which they contorted themselves into unnatural positions, threw things, and made weird noises. A local doctor, finding no signs of physical ailment, blamed it on the supernatural. Soon, another young girl, aged 11, started exhibiting similar symptoms.

一切始于1692年,萨勒姆镇牧师的9岁女儿和11岁侄女开始时不时尖叫,发作时,身体会扭曲变形,扔东西、发出奇怪声音。一位本地医生没有找到任何生理疾病,并将这些症状归咎于超自然原因。很快,另一位11岁的年轻女孩也开始表现出类似症状。

Examined by magistrates, the girls accused three women of bewitching them: the reverend’s black slave, Tituba, an elderly impoverished woman named Sarah Osborne, and a homeless beggar named Sarah Good. Osborne and Good protested their innocence, but for whatever reason – perhaps torture or perhaps a promise of leniency – Tituba confessed to having been visited by the Devil, whom she described as a black man who asked her to sign a book. Admitting that she signed, Tituba went on to point the finger at other “witches”.

当地法官调查这一事件时,这些女孩指控三位女性向她们施展了巫术:牧师的黑人努力 Tituba、一位名为 Sarah Osborn的贫苦年长女性,一位名为 Sarah Good的流浪乞丐。Osborne和Good都坚称自己是清白的,但出于某种原因,可能是折磨,也或者是被许诺会宽大处理,Tituba承认自己被接触过恶魔,她描述说该恶魔是一名黑人,并让她在一本书上签名。在承认了她签署了这本书之后,她继续指认了其他“女巫”。

The mass hysteria then erupted, and over the following months, a flood of accusations came pouring in, and the more farfetched they were, the more they solidified the populace’s belief in the potency of witchcraft and enhanced the panic. When the godly and regular churchgoer Martha Corey was accused of witchcraft, rather than give the good people of Salem pause, it merely redoubled their fears: if solid citizen Martha Corey could be a witch, then anybody could be a witch.

之后,集体癔症突然爆发。在接下来数月内,大量指控涌入,它们越牵强离谱,越让人们更加坚信巫术的强大,越让人们感到恐慌。当行为端正的虔诚教徒 Martha Corey也被指控施展巫术时,并没有让萨勒姆镇的居民们停下来,反而让他们的恐惧翻倍:如果像 Martha Corey这种模范市民也可能是个女巫,那么任何人都可能是女巫。

On May 27th, the colony’s governor ordered the establishment of a special court to try the accused, and its first victim was Bridget Bishop, an older woman known as gossip and with a reputation for promiscuity. Her protestations of innocence were unavailing, and she was convicted, sentenced to death, and hanged on June 10th in what became known as Gallows Hill. Five more were convicted and hanged in July, another five in August, and eight more that September.

5月27日,殖民地总督下令成立特别法庭审判被指控者。第一位受害者是 Bridget Bishop,一位年龄较长、众所周知地爱八卦和有个人作风问题的女性。她对自己无罪的抗辩毫无作用,她被判有罪,被判处死刑,并且在6月10日,在后来被称为绞刑架山的地方被吊死。另外五位也被判有罪,在7月被绞死,另外五位8月份被绞死,9月份,绞死另外8位。

The trials were marked by a lack of due process, and the use of “spectral evidence” – basically, testimony by witnesses that they dreamt or had a vision that the spirit or “spectre” of the accused witch did them harm. Thus, an accuser’s dream or vision that “Jane Doe bit, hit, and punched me“, was admissible evidence in court that Jane Doe had actually bit, hit, and punched the accuser, even if the unfortunate Doe was nowhere near the accuser that day – her spectre was. Respected theologian and reverend Cotton Mathers wrote the court cautioning against the use of spectral evidence, but was ignored.

这些审判明显缺乏正当程序,而且采用了“幽灵证据”,即,证人们的证词来自于他们梦见或看到一种幻象:被指控者的灵魂伤害了他们。这样,一位指控者的这种“我梦见一种场景或看到一种幻象:某某某咬了我、打了我或给了我一拳”在法庭上被视为合理定罪证据,即使这个很不幸的某某某当日完全不在指控者附近——但她的灵魂在。当时备受尊敬的神学家和牧师 Cotton Mathers致信法庭,反对这种对幽灵证据的采用,但却受到无视。

The colony’s governor finally put an end to the trials and their ever-expanding circle of accusations when his own wife was accused of being a witch, by which point 200 people had been accused of witchcraft, and 20 had already been hanged. Eventually, the authorities admitted that the trials had been a mistake, and compensated the families of the wrongly convicted victims of the witch hunt. Thereafter, the Salem mass hysteria and resultant trials became synonymous with paranoia and injustice, and stand today as a cautionary tale about the dangers of religious extremism, false accusations, and the lack of due process.

后来,当殖民地总督的妻子也被指控是一名女巫时,殖民地总督最终不得不终止这些审判和逐渐增加的指控,截至当时,已经有200人被指控施展巫术,而且已经有20位被绞死。最终,管理者们终于承认这些审判是一个错误,而且对这一女巫捕杀运动中被冤枉的受害者的家人们给予了赔偿。在此之后,萨勒姆集体癔症以及后续审判成为疑心病和不正义的代名词,而且在今天成为了警示宗教极端主义、虚假指控和缺乏正当程序之危险性的警示寓言。

02 The Cat Nuns of France 法国猫叫修女

Before the modern era, many outbreaks of mass hysteria occurred within religious institutions. Convents were in particularly prime grounds, ripe for eruptions of contagious mass delusion. That was because convents, especially in Medieval days, contained large numbers of nuns who had been forced into them by their families. Once in, they were compelled to lead lives that many found disagreeable.

在进入现代社会之前,很多集体癔症都发生于宗教机构中。修道院尤其是集体癔症的理想温床。这是因为,修道院,尤其是在中世纪时期的修道院里有大量的因家人强迫而进来的修女们。一旦进入修道院后,她们就要被迫过着很多人都会觉得凄苦的生活。

Inside the convents, many of the unfortunate girls or women forced into becoming nuns were confined in prison-like conditions and led a stressful lifestyle that was not of their own choosing. Among other things, the nuns were expected to be celibate, and submit to poverty, hard work, and unquestioning obedience to authority figures who had the right to compel compliance. Often they were compelled with coercive measures ranging from the imposition of extra labor, to confinement in cells, or withholding food and water. Physical chastisement and punishment were also available. This ranged from whipping and caning in-house, to turning over the most defiant nuns to ecclesiastic courts. If things went particularly bad, they could end up with a hardheaded nun getting burned to death for witchcraft or demonic possession.

在修道院中,很多不幸的女性被迫成为修女,行动受限,如若被囚禁于监狱中,生活在高压之下,且这一切都并非她们的自主选择。其中,修女们被要求禁欲、安于贫穷、辛苦劳作、对有权力的权威人物绝对服从。通常,管理者通过额外劳作、关进囚牢、不给水和食物等胁迫措施强迫她们。另外也存在肢体暴力惩罚,惩罚措施从修道院内鞭笞和杖打,到将最不听话的修女交给宗教法庭处理。如果情形变得非常恶劣,他们可能就会假借巫术或邪魔附身之名将这个固执的修女烧死。

Such conditions of communal longstanding stress and fear are textbook causes for the outbreak of mass hysteria. So it is not surprising that nunneries frequently experienced eruptions of mass delusions. One of the more bizarre incidents occurred in a French convent in the Middle Ages. A nun started meowing like a cat – an animal viewed in Europe at the time not as a cute and cuddly pet, but as being associated with Satan.

这种长期高压和恐惧情形简直就是集体癔症爆发的教科书般的原因。所以,修道院频繁爆发集体癔症,也就不足为奇了。其中最诡异的事件发生于中世纪法国一座修道院。一位修女开始像猫一样喵喵叫,当时在欧洲,猫并不被视为一种可爱、让人想抱抱的宠物,而是被视为与撒旦有关。

Soon, other nuns in the convent joined in and started meowing, and before long, the whole convent was meowing. It eventually became chorus-like, with all the nuns joining in collective caterwauling for several hours each day. Understandably, the cacophony alarmed and upset the neighbors, particularly in light of cats’ association with the devil and demonic possession. Pleas to stop were not heeded, so soldiers were eventually called in ordered to whip the meowing sisters into silence. That finally brought the mass hysteria outbreak to an end.

很快,修道院的其他修女也加入进来,开始猫叫。不久,就蔓延了整个修道院。最终变成了这样一种情形:所有修女们每天集体合唱般猫叫数小时。可以想象,这种刺耳怪声让周围居民惊恐且困扰不已,尤其是当时猫是一种和魔鬼和魔鬼附身被联系在一起的动物。他们请求修女们停止但无果,因此,最终士兵们被命令进入修道院,通过鞭笞方式让修女们停止。这样,这一集体癔症才告终。

03 The Biting Nuns Outbreak 咬人的修女

Long-term stresses and fears such as those leading to the meowing nuns were not unique to that particular convent or to France, but applied throughout the era’s Christendom. Across the Rhine from France in Germany, similar stressors led to a mass hysteria outbreak in the 15th century. It began when a nun started biting the other sisters in her convent. Before long, the behavior spread and the convent was full of crazed nuns running around and biting each other.

像上面导致修女猫叫的长期高压与恐惧并非仅存在于那一座修道院,或仅存在于法国,而是普遍存在于当时时代的整个基督教世界。在莱茵河对岸的德国,在15世纪,同样的应激源(压力因素)也导致了一次集体癔症的爆发。这一事件始于一位修女开始咬修道院里的其他修女。很快,这一行为开始扩散,然后这一修道院里就到处都是疯狂般互相追逐互相咬对方的修女。

As described by a 15th-century doctor: “A nun in a German nunnery fell to biting all her companions. In the course of a short time, all the nuns of this convent began biting each other. The news of this infatuation among the nuns soon spread and it now passed convent to convent throughout a great part of Germany principally Saxony and It afterward visited the nunneries of Holland and at last, the nuns had biting mania even as far as Rome.”

一位15世纪的医生如此描述:“德国一座修道院的一位修女开始经常咬其同伴,在短短时间内,这一修道院所有修女都表现出这一症状。关于这一现象的新闻迅速传播,如今已经在修道院之间开始传播,遍及德国很大一部分地区,主要是萨克森州,之后,这一现象也发生在了荷兰的一些修道院,最后,甚至在罗马也发现了这种修女咬人的疯狂情形。”

As seen above, the German nuns’ mass hysteria did the French ones one better by not being restricted to a single convent. The hysteria also traveled south and crossed the Alps into Italy.

如上所述,德国修女的集体癔症要比法国的修女集体癔症更高一筹,因为它已经不再局限于一座修道院。这一集体癔症甚至还一路南下,越过阿尔卑斯山,一路到了意大利。

The authorities were baffled and alarmed, and attempted various countermeasures as “the Nuns, at length, worried one another from Rome to Amsterdam“. When prayers and masses failed, the Church resorted to exorcisms and the casting out of devils and demons, but to no avail. So they resorted to a more basic approach and threatened to flog or dunk into the water any nun who bit another. That worked, and after a few salutary examples were made, the nuns quickly came to their senses and the biting fever rapidly subsided.

当权部门困惑不解而且非常震惊,并尝试了各种各样的压制措施,在当时,“从罗马到阿姆斯特丹,最终修女们互相之间都彼此担心”。当祈祷和弥撒无果,教堂开始开展驱魔仪式,驱逐恶魔,但也依旧无效。因此,他们采用了一种更加简单粗暴的方式,他们威胁如果修女再咬人,就要受到鞭笞或被浸入水中。这一方法很奏效,在一些以儆效尤的例子过后,修女们很快恢复理智,这一狂热咬人事件很快平息了。

04 Dance Plague of 1518 1518年的舞蹈瘟疫

We all get a jingle or tune stuck in our heads every now and then, and end up humming and mumbling it nonstop or on and off for hours or days on end. That is bad enough, but what about taking that up a notch: how about a dance move that one can’t stop? Almost everyone loves a good shimmy but what happens if the shimmy is so good that you just can’t quit, and end up dancing yourself to death?

我们偶尔都经历过一段旋律萦绕脑海挥之不去,导致我们连续数小时或数天无休止或断断续续地哼这段曲子。这已经很糟糕了,但如果再将其升级:如果是无法停止一个舞蹈动作呢?几乎每个人都喜欢畅快跳个舞,但如果这段舞蹈让你如此畅快以至于你根本停不下来,甚至最后跳到死亡呢?

That is what the people of Strasbourg, Alsace, in what is now France, discovered in July of 1518, when their town fell into the grip of a dancing mania. Hundreds of people started dancing nonstop, for days on end. By the time the dance fever finally broke, many of the good people of Strasbourg had literally danced themselves to death from heart attacks, strokes, or plain exhaustion.

这就是发生于1518年7月,属于现在法国的阿尔萨斯大区斯特拉斯堡所发生的一次事件。当时,他们发现他们的整个城镇都陷入了一种舞蹈狂热。数百人开始无休止跳舞,连续数日。当这一舞蹈狂热最终爆发,斯特拉斯堡的很多品行端正居民真的因跳舞而导致的心脏病、中风或劳累过度而死亡。

It began innocently enough one sunny July morning, when a Frau Troffea started dancing in the street. Onlookers clapped, laughed, and cheered her high spirits and joie de vivre as she danced. And danced. And danced some more. Frau Troffea danced without rest or respite for 6 days, and within a week, she had been joined by dozens in her marathon dance, mostly women.

一切都毫无危险征兆地发生于一个阳光和煦的七月份的清晨,当时一位名叫 Frau Troffea的女子开始在街上跳舞,路人们鼓掌欢笑,为她的活力和对生活的热情而喝彩。她一直跳,一直跳,一直跳,最终好无休止连续跳了6天,一周之内,就已经有数十位加入了她的舞蹈马拉松,其中大部分是女性。

Alarmed, authorities consulted local physicians, who opined that the cause was “hot blood”. On the theory that the dancers would recover only if they got it out of their system by dancing continuously, musicians were hired, a wooden stage was erected, and additional dancing space was made by opening up guildhalls and clearing out a marketplace to make more room. Those measures backfired, and simply ended up encouraging even more people to join the hysteria. Within a month, the number of nonstop dancers had ballooned into the hundreds, and at the height of the craze, 15 dancers were dying each day from exhaustion and heart attacks.

当权部门深感震惊,他们咨询了当地医生们,医生们认为原因是“热血”,他们给出的解释是,这些跳舞的人只有通过不断跳舞,将“热血”排出体外之后才能恢复。根据他们的这一理论,当权部门雇佣了音乐家们、搭建了一个木质舞台,开放多个会馆,清空一个市场以提供更多舞蹈场地。这些措施却适得其反,最终鼓励了更多人加入这一癔症。一个月之内,这些不知疲倦的舞蹈者人数已经膨胀到数百人,而且在最疯狂时,每天有15位因疲劳和心脏病而死亡。

The Strasbourg dance plague was not an isolated incident, and between the 14th and 17th centuries, there were enough similar outbreaks for contemporaries to coin a term for the phenomena: Saint Vitus’ Dance, or Saint John’s Dance. There is no modern consensus on the cause, so it is simply categorized as an unusual social phenomenon – a mass public hysteria, or a mass psychogenic illness of unknown provenance.

斯特拉斯堡舞蹈瘟疫并非孤例。在14至17世纪之间,有足够多的类似事件爆发,以至于当时的人们为这类现象取了一个名称:圣维特之舞,或圣约翰之舞。关于癔症起因,当代并无一致意见,因此这类事件只是被简单归类于一种不寻常的社会现象——一种原因未知的群体性公众癔症或群体性心因疾病。

05 Milan Poisoning Scare 米兰投毒恐慌

Europeans of the 17th century were prone to fears that nefarious people planned to spread a plague throughout Christendom via sinister means, such as sorcery and witchcraft, or mysterious “poisonous gasses”. Those standing fears were exacerbated in the city of Milan, Italy, after its governor received a message in 1629 from king Philip IV of Spain, warning him to be on the lookout for four Frenchman who had escaped from a Spanish prison and might be en route to Milan to spread the plague via “poisonous and pestilential ointments“.

17世纪的欧洲人很易于产生这样的恐惧:居心叵测之人试图通过邪恶手段,比如邪术巫术等,或神秘的“有毒气体”,在基督教群体中散播一种瘟疫。而这些已经存在的恐惧在下述事件之后被进一步放大:1629年,意大利米兰市长从西班牙国王菲利普四世收到信息,被警告说需要提防从西班牙监狱越狱,可能正在去往米兰路上的4个法国人,他们的目的是通过一种“有毒且会引发瘟疫的药膏”散播瘟疫。

For months after the royal warning, tensions mounted in Milan as the alarmed citizens kept a wary lookout for suspicious characters, and grew steadily more stressed out and frazzled as fears mounted of an imminent poisoning. The city sat thus on a powder keg for months, before finally erupting in what came to be known as “The Great Poisoning Scare of Milan”.

在这一皇室警告之后数月内,整个米兰紧张气氛与日俱增,深受惊恐的市民们不断警惕可疑人物,随着对投毒的恐惧逐渐加剧,他们压力程度不断攀升,身心俱疲。整座城市连续数月仿佛置于火药桶上一般,最终爆发了后来被称为“米兰投毒大恐慌”的事件。

It started on the night of May 17th, when some citizens reported seeing mysterious people placing what appeared to be poison in a cathedral partition. Health officials went to the cathedral, but found no signs of poisoning. The following morning, the Milanese woke to find that all doors on the main streets had been marked with a mysterious daub. Health officials inspected the daubs, but found nothing harmful in them, and concluded they were a prank by some mischievous actors with a sick sense of humor, getting some laughs out of the citizens’ fears.

该现象始于5月17日,当时一些市民报告说看到一些神秘的人将看起来像毒药的东西放在了一个教堂内的隔断墙中。卫生官员前往教堂,并未发现投毒迹象。第二天早上,米兰人想来发现主要街道两侧的门上都被使用一种奇怪膏泥状物质做了标记。卫生人员检测了这种物质,但并未发现任何有害成分,并得出结论说这只是一些有着病态幽默感、爱恶作剧的演员的恶作剧,只是为了嘲讽市民的恐惧而已。

Official reassurances were unavailing, however. Taking the mysterious daubs as a sign that the expected poison attack had finally arrived, the Milanese went into a citywide bout of mass hysteria, and began accusing random people of acts of poisoning, ranging from passersby on the streets, to various nobles, to Cardinal Richelieu of France or general Wallenstein, commander of the armies of the Holy Roman Empire in the then-raging Thirty Years War.

但官方的安抚并未奏效。米兰市民将这一神秘膏泥物质视为投毒活动已经开始的迹象,从而引发了全城集体癔症。他们开始随便指责某个人有投毒行为,从街上的路人,到不同贵族,到法国红衣主教 Richelieu或当时如火如荼的三十年战争中神圣罗马帝国军队统领 Wallenstein将军。

Among the early victims of the hysteria was an elderly man who was spotted wiping a bench in church before sitting down. A mob of crazed women accused him of poisoning the seat, and seized and violently assailed him in church. They then dragged him to the magistrates while continuing to beat him on the way, and ended up killing him en route.

这一集体癔症的最早受害者之中,包含一位年长者,当时他被发现在教堂里坐下之前擦拭了凳子。一群疯狂暴民般的女性质疑他在座位上投毒,而且在教堂内对其猛烈围殴,之后准备将其拖至当地法官处,但一路继续殴打,最终在路上将其打死。

More tragic was the case of a pharmacist who was accused of being in cahoots with the Devil when he was found with unknown potions. After prolonged torture and stretching on the rack, he changed his protestations of innocence to a confession of guilt, repeating whatever his torturers wanted to hear in order to end the pain. Admitting to being in league with the Devil and foreigners to poison the city, the pharmacist named other accomplices who were innocent of any crime. They in turn were arrested and tortured, and to end their suffering, they named yet more innocents, repeating the process. All were tried, convicted based on the confession extracted under torture, and executed.

而更具悲剧性的,是一位药剂师,当时人们发现他有未知的一些药剂,于是指控他与魔鬼勾结。在长时间折磨和四肢拉伸酷刑之后,他更改了无罪抗辩,承认自己有罪,重复着酷刑实施者想听到的任何话,只求停止折磨。在承认了与魔鬼和外国人勾结投毒这一城市之后,这一药剂师指认了其他完全没有犯过任何罪行的“同谋”们。他们陆续也被逮捕和折磨,为终止折磨,他们指认了更多无辜者,这一流程不断反复。所有人都被审判,被基于屈打成招的证词而被判有罪,并被处死。

As the mass hysteria and mounting insanity tightened its grip on the fevered city, a high number of Milanese stepped forward to accuse… themselves. Many went to the magistrates and voluntarily confessed to amazing deeds of the supernatural, describing meetings with the Devil, witches, sorcerers, and sundry practitioners of black magic, in which they plotted to poison the city. As reported, “The number of persons who confessed that they were employed by the Devil to distribute poison is almost incredible“. Many were executed based on their voluntary false confessions.

整个城市陷入癫狂,集体癔症愈演愈烈,荒诞离奇与日俱增,大量米兰人开始站出来,自首。很多人前往本地法官之处,主动承认自己做过的超自然行为,描述他们与魔鬼、女巫、巫师和各种黑魔法巫师会面密谋给整个城市投毒。有报道说:“自首说自己被魔鬼要求四处投毒的人的数量几乎令人难以置信”。很多人都因为这种自发给出的虚假认罪证词而被处死。

06 Lille Boarding School Witchcraft Hysteria 里尔寄宿学校巫术癔症

Antoinette Bourignon, a pious but mentally unstable seventeenth-century Frenchwoman, founded an all-girls boarding school in Lille, France. One day in 1639, upon entering the classroom, Madam Bourignon imagined that she saw a swarm of little black angels flying around the heads of the schoolgirls. Taking fright, she told the children to beware the devil, whose little black imps were buzzing all around them.

Antoinette Bourignon,17世纪时一位虔诚但精神不稳定的法国女性。她在法国里尔创办了一座寄宿女校。1639年的一天,在进入教室时,她觉得自己看到了一群黑色小天使盘旋在女生们的头上。深受惊吓,她告诉孩子们当心恶魔,恶魔的黑色魔精们正盘旋在她们周围。

The school headmistress developed an obsession with the little black imps hovering around her wards’ heads, and kept warning the schoolgirls daily to watch out for the Devil. Soon, the impressionable children came to believe that there were, indeed, little black demons flying all around them, and before long, Satan and satanic possession became almost the sole topic of conversation in the school.

她不断想着这一画面,几近偏执,每日不断警告学生们提防恶魔。很快,很容易受影响的孩子们就相信的确有黑色小恶魔飞在她们周围,很快,撒旦和恶魔附身就成为了学校里的唯一话题。

One of the girls ran away, too frightened to remain in a school infested with little black devils who might possess her at any moment, as Madam Bourignon and her staff never tired of warning the students. When she was brought back, she claimed not to have run away, but to have been carried away by the Devil, and that she was a witch and had been one since age seven.

Bourignon夫人和其他教职员不知疲倦地警告学生,其中一个女孩因太害怕继续待在这个充斥着黑色小魔鬼地学校,因此逃跑了。当她最终被带回来时,她说并非自己逃跑,而是被魔鬼带走了,她还说自己其实是一个女巫,从7岁时就是了。

Upon hearing that, about fifty other schoolgirls started having fits, and when they came to, joined in a “me, too!” rush, and claimed to be witches as well. In their clamor to confess, the children competed to outdo each other with the details of their supposed dark and fell deeds. Some claimed to ride on broomsticks, only to be topped by others claiming an ability to pass through keyholes, to be trumped in turn by those claiming to feast on the flesh of babies or to have attended the Domdaniel, or gathering of the demons.

听闻此言,其他大约50名女学生开始抽搐发作,当她们清醒过来时,她们争先恐后坦白“我也是”。在这种争先恐后的坦白中,孩子们互相竞争,看谁的邪恶行为细节更胜一筹。一些声称自己可以骑扫帚飞,但被一些孩子所声称的自己能够穿过锁孔的能力打败,这种能力又在据称吃婴儿肉的行为或参加了魔鬼聚会 Domdaniel的故事面前逊色。

A formal investigation was launched, and while some clergy and citizens of Lille were skeptical, the majority were of the opinion that the children’s confessions were valid, and that an example should be made by burning all fifty schoolgirls at the stake as witches. Their lives were only spared after some of the skeptical clergy, aghast at what was about to happen, insisted that the investigators dig in deeper, at which point they discovered what the school’s headmistress had done to fill the girls’ heads with thoughts of demonic possession. The children were absolved, and the blame was shifted to Madam Bourignon, who barely escaped punishment after the authorities, unsure of her sanity and tired of the whole affair, wound down and closed the investigation.

后来对这一事件展开了正式调查,尽管里尔的一些神职人员与市民对此表示怀疑,但大部分都认为这些孩子讲的是真实的,而且应该将所有50名女学生当作女巫被烧死,以儆效尤。她们之所以侥幸存活,是因为一些持怀疑态度的神职人员,惊愕于即将发生的悲剧,坚持让调查人员继续深挖,后来他们发现是女校长最初给孩子们大脑中灌入了恶魔附身的念头。孩子们被判无罪,责任被归咎于女校长头上,得益于当权机构不确定其精神正常性、厌倦了整件事,逐渐停止了这一调查,这位女校长才勉强逃脱惩罚。

07 Irish Fright of 1688 1688爱尔兰恐慌

From the start of his reign, resentment simmered against Britain’s Catholic King James II, as his mostly Protestant subjects decried and feared his perceived machinations to restore Catholicism to the realm. The resentment was kept under control, however, as the concerned populace reasoned that the elderly monarch had no son, and when he died, would be succeeded by his staunchly Protestant daughter Mary, and her even more staunchly Protestant husband, William of Orange.

自统治之初,对不列颠信奉天主教的英国国王詹姆斯二世的不满就一直暗流涌动,因为他的国民们几乎都是新教徒,他们认为他在谋划复辟天主教,因此对此表示谴责且感到恐惧。但这一怨恨情绪并没有爆发,因为人们认为国王无子嗣,当他去世,王室继承人就会是他的坚定的新教徒女儿玛丽和她更加坚定的新教徒丈夫William of Orange(奥兰治亲王威廉,即威廉三世)。

In 1688, however, king James unexpectedly had a son, removing at a stroke the option of running out the clock and waiting for the king’s eventual death and replacement by a Protestant successor. The simmering resentments came to a boil, setting in motion the Glorious Revolution that ended with the flight of King James II and his replacement on the British throne by his daughter Mary II and her husband William III.

但1688年,詹姆士国王突然有了一个儿子,民众之前的希望突然瞬间破灭。本来只是暗涌的民怨开始沸腾,由此爆发了光荣革命,国王詹姆斯二世出逃,玛丽二世与其丈夫威廉三世继任英国王座。

In the interregnum between James’ flight and his replacement by William and Mary, there was no government and fears of anarchy and lawless violence gripped the country. The greatest manifestation of those fears came to be known as the Irish Fright, which centered around an Irish army that James II had brought to England towards the end of his reign in an attempt to prop up his tottering throne. That army was greatly resented and feared by the English, many of whom recalled and most of whom believed the (sometimes exaggerated) stories of widespread Irish massacres and depravities against Protestants during the Civil War a few decades earlier.

在詹姆斯出逃之后、威廉和玛丽继任王座之前的一段无政府期间,当时国家无首,整个国家都陷于对无政府状态和无法律暴力行为的恐惧中。这些恐惧的最显著表现,就是后来被称为“爱尔兰恐慌”的事件。这一恐慌围绕着詹姆斯二世在统治期末为试图巩固摇摇欲坠的王位而带入英格兰的一支爱尔兰军队。英格兰人对这支军队充满仇恨和恐惧,很多人都重新回想起数十年前内战时期爱尔兰针对清教徒的大规模屠杀和恶劣行径(有时是夸大的),而且大部分人对这些回忆都对此深信不疑。

Many English people were thus primed to believe that the Irish were predisposed to savagery and capable of any atrocity. Against that backdrop, rumors began circulating in December of 1688 that the Catholic Irish forces quartered in England were readying themselves to fall upon the English to massacre, rape, and loot, to avenge the ouster of the Catholic king James. The Irish Fright began in earnest on the night of December 13th, 1688, when news arrived at Westminster that the ravening Irish were marching on London.

Fake news of preparations for atrocities were quickly followed by fake news of actual atrocities, as false reports that the Irish were putting English towns to the torch and massacring the inhabitants spread. The panicked English in London and surrounding shires rushed to arm themselves and form militias, erect fortifications, and patrol the countryside to guard against the imminent arrival of imaginary hordes of bloodthirsty Irish.

很多英格兰人因此都很容易相信爱尔兰人天性野蛮,能够实施各种暴行。在这一背景下,1688年12月,流言四起,说驻扎于英格兰的天主教派爱尔兰军队正准备对英格兰人进行屠杀、强奸和掠夺,以此为被驱逐的天主教徒詹姆斯国王复仇。

爱尔兰恐慌发生于1688年12月13日夜晚,当时,有传闻抵达威斯敏斯特,说爱尔兰军队正气势汹汹向伦敦行进。

随着关于爱尔兰军队在英格兰城镇放火杀戮的谣言不断传播,关于即将开展暴行的谣言也四处蔓延,紧随其后的就是关于各种已开展暴行的谣言。伦敦和附近郡深感恐慌的英格兰人急忙武装自己,成立民兵组织,建立堡垒,在乡间巡逻,以抵御即将到来的据说嗜血成性的爱尔兰人的攻击。

The Irish Fright subsided after a few days, and in hindsight, it seems that the rumors were begun, or at least spread, as part of an organized propaganda campaign by opponents of James II to further discredit his cause and to buttress that of William of Orange. When the latter landed in England at the head of a mostly foreign army, he was greeted not as an invader, but with raptures as a savior not only of the Protestant faith, but of the Protestants themselves from the feared depredations of the Irish.

数日之后,这种恐慌开始平息。事后看来,似乎这些谣言的产生,或至少其传播,不过是詹姆斯二世的对手们为了打击詹姆斯二世的计划,巩固奥兰治亲王威廉地位的、一次有组织的宣传活动。当威廉率领一支几乎由国外士兵组成的军队踏上英格兰土地时,他并未被视为侵略者,而是被视为可以保护新教和新教徒免受爱尔兰人邪恶行径伤害的拯救者而受到热烈欢迎。

08 Hammersmith Ghost Hysteria 哈默史密斯闹鬼癔症

In November of 1803, reports began circulating of ghost sightings in the Hammersmith district in west London. Many thought that the ghost was that of a recent suicide buried in Hammersmith’s churchyard, which was in line with a widespread contemporary belief that suicides should not be buried in consecrated grounds, because their souls would then find no rest there.

1803年11月,在西伦敦哈默史密斯区传闻四起说有些人看到过鬼。很多人都认为这一鬼魂属于埋葬在哈默史密斯教堂墓地的近期的一位自杀者。这也符合当时的普遍观念,即,自杀者不得被埋葬在教堂墓地,因为这样他们的灵魂会无法安息。

The ghost was described by all who saw it as being very tall and dressed all in white, with some witnesses adding horns and glass eyes to the description. Alarm at the sightings quickly grew to widespread panic, and then mass hysteria, as more and more people stepped forward to report that they had not only seen the Hammersmith ghost, but had been attacked by it as well. In response, fearful citizens took to arms and began patrolling the neighborhood.

所有称自己亲眼见到这一鬼魂的人表示,这一鬼魂很高,身穿白色,一些目睹者还表示有角和浑浊眼睛。震惊很快演变成了大规模惶恐,之后演变为集体癔症,越来越多人说自己不仅看到了哈默史密斯的鬼,而且还被他攻击了。随之,深感恐惧的市民们武装起来,开始巡逻住宅区。

On the night of January 3rd, 1804, one of the armed citizens, Francis Smith, was on patrol when he came across a bricklayer, Thomas Millwood, returning home from a visit to his parents while clad in the typical clothing of his trade: white pants, white shirt, and white apron. Leveling his shotgun at what he took to be the ghost, Smith shot Millwood in the face, killing him instantly.

1804年1月3日夜,其中一位携带武器的市民 Francis Smith在巡逻时看到一位砖瓦匠 Thomas Millwood,当时 Thomas 正在从父母家回自己家的路上,身穿他们行业通常穿的衣服:白色裤子、白色衬衫、白色围裙。Smith以为看到了传闻中的鬼,于是将枪瞄准他,当场将其射杀。

Smith was arrested and tried for willful murder. The presiding judge instructed the jury that establishing malice was not necessary for a conviction, and that all killings were either murder or manslaughter, absent extenuating circumstances that were not present here. Smith was duly convicted, then sentenced to death, which sentence was subsequently commuted to a year’s hard labor. As to the Hammersmith “ghost”, it later emerged that it was an elderly local shoemaker who wore the guise to frighten his apprentice.

Smith被逮捕并以故意谋杀而审判。主审法官告知审判员们并非只有证明有恶意才能定罪,如果没有可减罪情形,所有的杀戮要么是谋杀要么是非预谋杀人,且该案件中并无可减罪情形存在。Smith被依照法定程序定罪,然后被判处死刑,但这一判决后来被减刑为一年苦役。而至于传闻中的那个鬼魂,后来被发现,只不过是当地一个年长鞋匠身着白衣想要吓唬他的学徒而已。

09 The Halifax Slasher 哈利法克斯剃须刀伤人者

In 1938, the town of Halifax in England was gripped by a mass hysteria that lasted for about two weeks, during which an imaginary attacker fell upon local women. It all began on the night of November 16th, 1938, when two young female employees of a local mill were attacked by an unknown man, and rushed to a nearby house for aid, with blood streaming down their heads from a wound apparently caused by a razor blade.

1938年,英格兰哈利法克斯突然爆发了一次连续约两周的集体癔症,关于一位专门攻击当地女性的坏人的传闻令人人自危。一切都始于1938年11月16日夜晚,当夜,当地一座磨坊的两名年轻女工被一位神秘男性攻击,随后跑到附近一户人家求助,她们头上鲜血直流,伤口很明显是由剃须刀划伤导致。

Police were called, a report was filed, and disquietude spread throughout the community. As described by the Halifax Courier, the local newspaper: “Until the culprit is found and effectively dealt with there is not likely to be much peace of mind, not only [locally] but further afield. The affair has created a tremendous sensation and it has thoroughly upset the people“.

她们报了警,警方录了证词,整个社群开始骚动不安。如当地报纸《Halifax Courier》报道,“在罪犯被找到并被有效处理之前,几乎不可能有安宁之日,不仅本地,更远一些的地方也同样如此。这一事件已经引起巨大反应,让人惶惶不可终日。”

Five days later, another young woman in the vicinity reported being attacked by a man, who left her with a deep and clean-cut to her wrist, as if from a razor. Notwithstanding a clear description of the attacker, police had no luck finding him. When three days later another victim stepped forward, the authorities turned to the public for leads, and the local newspaper carried the headline: “£10 police reward for the arrest of Halifax ‘Slasher’“.

5天之后,附近另外一位年轻女性也报告说自己被一名男性袭击,手腕上留下一条很深很利落的伤口,像是用剃须刀划伤。尽管受害者清晰描述了袭击者,但警方依旧搜寻无果。当三天后另一位受害者报案后,当权机构转向民众寻求线索,当地报纸使用了这一大字标题:如逮捕哈利法克斯剃须刀伤人者,警方奖赏10英镑。

With news that a “Slasher” was in their midst, mass hysteria gripped the community. Even as Scotland Yard was called in to help the local police, businesses in Halifax and its surroundings shut down. The panic grew apace as more and more reports, and rumors of reports, all of them unfounded, came pouring of new attacks by the Slasher in surrounding towns.

在围绕着“剃须刀伤人者”的新闻发布后,迅速导致整个社群的集体癔症。甚至伦敦警察厅也被命令协助当地警方。哈利法克斯与周围的商家被关停。关于这位剃须刀伤人者在周围城镇袭击他人的报告和谣言大量涌现,尽管这些报告和谣言都毫无凭据,但恐慌迅速蔓延。

Out on the streets, wild-eyed vigilante groups were set up and started patrolling the region, which set upon and beat up many a stranger whom they came upon and mistakenly assumed was the Slasher. After a woman alleged that she had been attacked, a local Good Samaritan who had gone to help ended up being wrongly accused by vigilantes of being the Slasher, and was set upon by a mob. Only the intervention of police, who escorted him home, saved his life.

人们成立了民间治安队巡逻街道,这些治安队人员殴打了很多被他们误认为是那位剃须刀伤人者的陌生人。在一位女性宣称自己被袭击后,一位当地的好心人上前帮助,却被治安队员误认为是传闻中的剃须刀伤人者,于是如暴民般对其围攻。幸而有警察出面护送他回家,才让其免遭厄运。

The mass hysteria finally began to subside when, on November 29th, one of the “victims” of the Halifax Slasher admitted that his injuries had been self-inflicted. Other supposed victims soon confessed that they, too, had made up the attacks, and after 9 of 12 “victims” confessed to self-harm, Scotland Yard concluded that there had never been a “Halifax Slasher” and closed the investigation. Five locals who had filed false reports were arrested and charged, of whom four ended up doing time in prison for public mischief.

11月29日,一位“受害者”终于承认之前自己的伤是自己造成的,这一集体癔症才终于平息。其他所谓的受害者很快也坦白他们之前所报告的受袭经历也是编造的。在之前报告受袭的12名受害者中的9位都承认之前的伤是自己导致的之后,伦敦警察厅得出结论说从来没有“哈利法克斯剃须刀伤人者”,并终止了调查。五名谎报案情的当地人被逮捕并被起诉,其中4名因公共恶作剧罪而被关进监狱服刑。

10 The Taipei Slasher 台北剃须刀伤人者

For a fortnight in 1956, the population of Taipei in Taiwan was terrorized by rumors of a crazed slasher roaming the streets, surreptitiously slicing people with a razor blade as he brushed past them, then disappearing into the crowds and teeming throngs of the city. About twenty-one victims were reported, mostly poor and poorly educated people from the lower classes.

1956年有两周的时间,台北人心惶惶,因为有传言说有个人手持剃须刀,街头四处游荡,趁着从别人身边擦身而过时偷偷划伤他们,然后消失在人群中。据报告,约有21位受害者,大多是贫穷且教育程度极低的底层人群。

A typical example was that of an older gentleman who told police that he had been slashed by a stranger. After a medical examination revealed that the injury was caused by a blunt object and could not have resulted from a razor, the “victim” admitted that he did not really know how he had been injured, but assumed that he must have been slashed “because of all the talk going around“.

一个典型的例子是,一位年长的男士告诉警察他被陌生人划伤。在医生检查之后,发现这一伤口是钝器所伤,而非剃须刀。然后受害者承认他并不知道自己是怎么受伤的,只是觉得自己可能是被划伤的,因为大家都在说这件事。

Another example of a phantom slasher attack was caused by incompetent doctors who examined another older gentleman who showed up with a laceration on his wrist. When the patient casually mentioned that a stranger had brushed against him around the same time that he noticed the bleeding, the doctors put two and two together and came up with nine, attributed the wound to the feared slasher, and contacted police. A follow-up examination by more competent doctors revealed that the laceration was simply an old wound that had been reopened by scratching.

另一个例子则是拜一些能力较低的医生所赐。这些医生在检查一位年长男士手腕上的划伤伤口时,患者随口提及大约在发现流血的同时,有一个陌生人与他擦肩而过。这些医生很快将两件事联系在了一起,将这一伤口归咎于这位人人谈之色变的剃须刀伤人者,并联系了警方。后来一些能力较强的医生来检查,发现这一划伤伤口不过是一处旧伤被抓时重新裂开了而已。

In reality, there had never been a slasher, but simply a mass delusion or hysteria, amplified by sensationalist press reporting. After thorough investigation, police concluded that the “victims” had simply suffered the kinds of everyday accidental cuts and slight injuries that most people endure from time to time without hardly noticing. In the fevered atmosphere of the slasher scare, people simply attributed any rip in their clothes or scratch on their bodies to a surreptitious attack from the imaginary slasher. As the final report of the police investigation put it, out of twenty-one reported “victims” of the crazed slasher: “five were innocent false reports, seven were self-inflicted cuts, eight were due to cuts other than razors, and one was a complete fantasy“.

实际上,从来没有什么剃须刀伤人者,一切只不过是一次被夸大其词的媒体报道而放大的的集体幻觉或癔症。在充分调查后,警方得出结论说这些受害者的伤都不过是日常常见的,很多时候人们都察觉不到的意外割伤或其他轻伤。但在这种惶恐中,人们将衣服上的任何撕裂或身体上的任何擦伤都归咎于一个想象中的袭击者。如警方最终调查报告所述,在所报告的21位受害者中:“有5位受害者是虚假陈述但并非出于恶意;7位是自己导致的割伤,8位是并非剃须刀造成的割伤,1位是完全出于个人幻想。”

11 Tanganyika Laughter Epidemic 坦噶尼喀州笑声瘟疫

In 1962 a mass hysteria episode, in which people started laughing uncontrollably, began in the village of Kashasha on the western shore of Lake Victoria in Tanganyika (modern Tanzania) and quickly spread throughout the surrounding region. By the time it subsided months later, the mass hysteria had affected thousands of people, and led to the closure of 14 schools.

1962年,在坦噶尼喀州(现在的坦桑尼亚)维多利亚湖西岸一个名为 Kashasha的村落,爆发了一次集体癔症,在这一癔症中,人们无法停止大笑。这一癔症很快蔓延至周围地区。在数月后终于平息时,所影响人群已达数千人,而且导致了14座学校被关闭。

It all started on January 30th, 1962, when a girl in a missionary boarding school had a fit of anxiety-induced laughter, and started cackling uncontrollably. She was soon joined by two of her friends, and it was not long before the contagion had spread and engulfed the school. Within a short time, 95 out of the school’s 159 students were also laughing uncontrollably. It got bad enough that the schoolgirls were unable to concentrate, and the school was forced to shut down 6 weeks later.

一切始于1962年1月30日,一座寄宿教会学校里的一个女生因为焦虑而开始大笑起来,而且无法控制。很快她的两位朋友开始加入,不久之后,整个学校都被传染。短短时间内,整座学校159名学生中,有95名都开始无法控制地大笑。最后以至于这些女学生们根本无法专心,整座学校在6周后不得不关闭。

The afflicted students took their mass hysteria with them when they were sent back to their families, and within a short time of returning home, the contagion had spread from the schoolgirls to the surrounding community. Before long, students in other schools in the region were afflicted as well. The symptoms consisted in the main of recurring bouts of uncontrollable laughing and crying that lasted from a few hours to over two weeks, combined with a general restlessness, aimless running around, and the occasional resort to aggressive violence. Doctors could find no physical cause for the contagion.

这些受到感染地学生在被遣送回家后,也将这种集体癔症带回家中,在她们回家不久之后,这种大笑瘟疫就传染至周围社群。不久,其他地区学校地学生也被感染。症状主要包括:连续数小时或两周多持续陷入一阵阵不可控制的大笑或叫喊状态,而且普遍伴有不安、乱跑和偶尔暴力攻击等症状。医生也无法找到具体致病源。

By the time the mass hysteria subsided about a year later, 14 schools had closed down, and thousands had been afflicted. Subsequent investigation attributed the initial outbreak to stress among the schoolgirls, who found themselves in an alien environment within the missionary-run boarding school – the outbreak affected only the schoolgirls, without touching any of the teachers or staff. Beyond the school, the surrounding population was dealing with the stress and uncertainty of their country’s future, as Tanganyika had gained its independence only a month before the mass hysteria eruption.

截止于一年之后这一集体癔症终于平息时,已经有14所学校被关停,数千人曾被感染。后续调查将最初爆发原因归咎于学校女生的压力上。这些女生身处传教士开办的寄宿学校这一陌生环境中,经受着很大压力。这一集体癔症只影响了学校学生,并没有影响到任何教职员。在学校之外,周围人群都经受着压力以及国家未来的不确定性,因为当时坦噶尼喀州在这一集体癔症爆发一个月之前刚刚赢得独立。

12 McMartin Preschool Child Abuse Hysteria 麦克马丁幼儿园虐童集体癔症

In 1983, a mentally unstable mother accused Ray Buckey, an employee of the McMartin preschool in Manhattan Beach, California, of raping her child. She also went on to add that people in the day school had sex with animals, that Ray Buckey’s mother and preschool owner Peggy McMartin had perforated a child under the arm with a power drill, and that “Ray flew in the air”.

1983年,一位精神状况不稳定的母亲指控位于加利福尼亚曼哈顿海滩的麦克马丁幼儿园的一位名为 Ray Buckey的员工强奸了她的孩子。她还指控说这一日托学校的教职员有兽交行为、Ray Buckey的母亲,即幼儿园园长 Peggy McMartin曾经用电钻在一个孩子胳膊下面钻孔,而且Ray还曾在空中飞。

Police were skeptical, but nonetheless sent a letter to other parents at the school, asking them to question their children about abuses at the school. As parents talked to their children and other parents, other accusations of child sexual abuse began trickling in, and soon turned to into a flood of wild, weird, and increasingly incredible accusations of sexual abuse that stretched credulity amidst a mass hysteria of false accusations.

警方对此感到怀疑,但依旧给学校其他父母致信,让他们询问各自的孩子是否曾在学校受到虐待。当父母们询问自己的孩子,并与其他父母沟通时,其他关于性侵犯幼童的指控开始零散汇集,但很快便迅速爆发成为集体癔症,各种关于性侵的越来越离奇、难以置信的指控大量涌入。

Social workers were brought in to gather more information, and between a combination of incompetence and leading questions, the children’s accusations grew steadily wilder and more bizarre. In addition to being molested by Ray Buckey and his mother Peggy McMartin, the children alleged that they had been made to participate in satanic rites in which they were forced to drink the blood of a baby whom they had witnessed being sacrificed in church.

社工们被要求搜集更多信息,但由于能力不足以及各种诱导性问题,孩子们的指控越来越天马行空。除了被Ray Buckey和其母亲 Peggy McMartin猥亵之外,孩子们还称他们被要求参加邪恶的仪式,在这些仪式中他们被迫喝下在教堂中被献祭的一个婴儿的血。

The children also said that they saw witches fly, that they had been abused in a hot air balloon and in (nonexistent) tunnels beneath the preschool, and one child claimed to have been sexually molested by actor Chuck Norris. Other children added that, after being abused in secret rooms, they were flushed down toilets, then cleaned up and presented to their parents.

孩子们还说他们还看到女巫在天空中飞,他们还在一个热气球中和学校下面的隧道(不存在)中被虐待。一个孩子还说自己被演员 Chuck Norris猥亵。其他孩子还补充说,他们曾在一个密室里被虐待,然后被冲下马桶,然后被洗干净,再被交还给他们的父母。

Although the accusations were incredible, they came at a time when the country was in the grip of widespread fears of ritual sexual abuse of children, connected in some way to satanic worship and dark magic rites. With elections drawing near, ambitious Los Angeles District Attorney Ira Reiner unscrupulously sought to capitalize on the mounting public hysteria, and slapped Ray Buckey and his mother Peggy McMartin with 208 counts of child molestation.

尽管这些指控难以置信,但当时事件背景是,乡下地区的人普遍担心一些人会出于敬奉撒旦或举办黑魔法仪式之原因,对孩子性虐待。随着选举将近,想要大展政治宏图的洛杉矶地区检察官 Ira Reiner无所顾忌地决定利用这一越来越疯狂的大众癔症,针对Ray Buckey和其母亲 Peggy McMartin,提起了208宗儿童威胁罪公诉。

Buckey and his mother were arrested in 1984, and the investigation lasted for three years, until 1987. Mother and son were then put through a 3-year trial, which lasted from 1987 to 1990. It was the longest and most expensive criminal trial in American history. At its conclusion, a jury acquitted Peggy McMartin of all charges, while Ray Buckey was acquitted of 52 of 65 charges, with the jury deadlocked on the remaining counts 10 to 2 in favor of acquittal. Those charges were then dropped, and the mass hysteria and subsequent trial concluded without a single conviction.

Buckey与其母亲在1984年被逮捕,调查持续了3年,直至1987年结束。这一母子之后又经历了长达3年的审判。这是美国历史上耗时最长、最贵的刑事审判案件。最终,审判团判决 Peggy McMartin对所有指控罪名都无罪,而Ray Buckey对65项指控罪名中的52项无罪,而在剩余指控上,审判团10:2倾向于无罪,由此陷入僵局。这些指控最后也被撤销。由此,这一集体癔症和后续审判最终以完全无罪而告终。

Most people think of a “contagious” illness as something that can be spread by germs or physical means; however, you should never underestimate the power of the mind or its ability to seize control of the body when it feels threatened!

大多数人将传染疾病视为由病毒或实体因素而导致,但绝对不要低估大脑的能力,以及在感受到威胁时对身体的控制能力!

原文:

https://historycollection.com/12-historys-baffling-mass-hysteria-outbreaks/9/
https://www.scienceabc.com/eyeopeners/what-is-mass-hysteria.html

If the 20th century has just one lesson to teach, it must surely be the power and danger of nationalism. Time and again, liberals, socialists and internationalists are caught off-guard by its power and irrational intensity. In 1941, George Orwell wrote of nationalism: “as a positive force there is nothing to set beside it. Christianity and international socialism are as weak as straw in comparison with it.” Nationalism is not just a subject for historians and politicians but for anyone interested in human psychology.

如果20世纪只让我们明白了一个道理,那肯定是民族主义的力量与危险。一次又一次,自由主义流派、社会主义流派和国际主义流派被民族主义的力量与荒诞的强烈程度让他们始料不及。1941年,乔治·奥威尔这样描写民族主义:“作为一种正向力量,没有什么能与之匹敌。基督教与国际社会主义与之相比,软弱如稻草。”民族主义不仅仅只是历史学家与政客们的研究主题,同时也吸引着任何对人类心理学感兴趣之人。

The Nature of Nationalism 民族主义的本质

It may help to begin by contrasting nationalism with patriotism. Obviously, these words mean different things to different people, but in general “patriotism” has positive connotations, while “nationalism” has mostly bad ones. A patriot feels affection towards the nation in which he was born or has adopted. But this affection is gentle, sensible, and realistic. The patriot keeps his emotions in check and does not allow them to tip over into fantasy or blind obedience.

让我们先来对比一下民族主义和爱国主义。很明显,不同的人对这两个词有不同解读,但整体而言,爱国主义有着褒义含义,而民族主义主要是贬义。爱国者对自己出生和成长于的国家充满热爱,但这种热爱是温柔的、理智的、切合实际的。爱国者能够将自己情绪克制在理智范围内,不允许它们助长幻想空想或者盲目服从。

The patriotic also celebrate what is best about their country: the humor, the food, the literature, the art etc. But these things are positive and open to all – they enrich the world. So, for example, when a patriotic Frenchman says, “I love my country for coming up with the phrase ‘liberte, egalite, fraternite,’ ” he does so because he believes that such ideals may inspire others. And the national heroes patriots admire tend to be great humanitarians and poets rather than generals or war leaders. Patriots will also acknowledge that every group has its strengths and weaknesses, and that every group has something to offer.

爱国者同时会赞美自己国家的领先之处:幽默感、食物、文化、艺术等。但这些都是正面事物,对所有人都是开放的——它们丰富了整个世界。所以,当一位法国爱国者说,“我爱我的国家,因为她提出了自由、民主、平等的口号”时,他之所以如此说,是因为他相信这种理想可能会激励其他人。而且爱国者所崇敬的国家英雄也往往是伟大的人文主义者和诗人,而非将军或战争领袖。爱国者通常认可每个群体都有着自己的长处和弱点,每个群体都有可圈可点之处。

The word “nationalism,” however, suggests excessive emotions, ones out of proportion to the facts. It also suggests aggression: the need to assert, bully, and dominate. Sometimes, nationalism can be combined with racism. The most obvious example would be Nazi Germany, where national pride rested on the idea of a Nordic or North European master race. But the Nazis were not alone in this. In the 1930s, many Japanese believed in the superiority of their race. There was even a racist edge to early Irish nationalism, with some arguing that the Irish Celts were more sensitive, spiritual, and imaginative than the shallow, materialistic Anglo-Saxons (the Irish writer James Joyce, for example, ridicules such ideas in his novel Ulysses).

但民族主义却暗示着过度的情感,完全超出事实的情感。它同时也暗示着攻击性:需要宣示自身力量、需要占据霸凌和主导地位。有时,民族主义可以与种族主义一起被应用。最明显的例子就是纳粹德国,其国家自豪感基于北欧优越种族这一理念之上。但纳粹并非其中唯一的例子。上世纪30年代,很多日本人相信自己种族的优越性;在早期爱尔兰民族主义中,也有一些种族主义的影子,一些人辩称爱尔兰凯尔特人比肤浅、物质主义的盎格鲁撒克逊人更敏感、精神境界更高、更具有想象力(爱尔兰作家 James Joyce在其小说《尤利西斯》中嘲笑了这类观点)。

Nationalism can also be purely negative, fuelled by contempt for another country rather than by a love for one’s own. In other words, someone may be indifferent to the nation they were born in but develop such a dislike for their neighbor that they celebrate and exaggerate any differences. This is especially common when that neighbor is bigger, richer or more popular. People often feel belittled by such success, taking it almost as a personal slight.

民族主义也可以是完全负面的,它源于对另一个国家的轻蔑,而非源于对自己国家的热爱。换言之,一些人可能对自己国家并不爱护,但对邻国却如此厌恶,以至于赞美和夸大任何的不同。当邻国更大、更富有、更受欢迎时,这种情绪就尤为普遍。邻国的这种成功让他们倍受打击倍感渺小,他们几乎将其视为了一种针对他们个人的人身贬低行为。

Escape and Self-Esteem 逃避与自尊感

So why do people become nationalists? First, and most obviously, nationalism offers an escape. Through taking on a larger identity the individual escapes his own. So, John may feel small, insignificant, and unpopular, but if his nation is rich and powerful, this will provide the self-respect he’s never known.

那么为什么有人会变成民族主义者呢?首先,而且最明显的原因是,民族主义提供了一处世外桃源。通过赋予自己一种更大的身份,个体逃离了自己的个人身份。因此,John可能感到自己渺小、无足轻重、不受欢迎,但如果自己的国家富饶且强大,这就会给他一种他从来不曾经历过的自我尊重感。

Of course, some people lack a sense of self altogether. The British psychiatrist R. D. Laing used the phrase “ontological insecurity” to describe this, by which he meant the feeling that your true, deep, inner self, who you really are, is unacceptable – or even unreal. In extreme cases this can lead to a schizophrenic breakdown. More generally, such people will attach themselves to stronger personalities. In relationships, for example, they often disappear into the other person, adopting their political views and artistic tastes and agreeing with any decision they make. For such people, the nation provides the stable identity they have always lacked.

当然,一些人完全缺乏自我感。英国精神分析学家 R. D. Laing采用了“本体不安全感”来描述这一现象,即,感到你内心深处的真正自我,即,真实的你自己,不可接受,甚至不真实。在极端案例中,这可能就会导致精神分裂式崩溃。而更普遍的做法,则是给自己赋予更强的人格。比如,在人际感情关系中,他们通常会让自己的人格消失,接纳其他人的政治观点、艺术品位、认同他们做出的任何决定。对这些人而言,国家民族,就提供了他们一直缺乏的那种稳定身份。

For others, nationalism gives a sense of meaning and purpose. Hitler is an obvious example of this. Like many nationalists, he was unhappy in his private life: poor, aimless, a failed artist. The famous photograph of him celebrating the outbreak of World War One shows the grinning face of a man whose life suddenly has direction.

对其他一些人而言,民族主义提供了一种意义感和目标感。希特勒是一个这方面的明显例子。像很多民族主义者一样,他对个人生活不满:贫穷、无目标、不得志的艺术家。关于他庆祝第一次世界大战爆发的著名照片就展示了一个突然找到人生方向之人的开怀笑容。

Such things explain the irrational emotions nationalism arouses and the frequently aggressive, even violent, reaction of those whose nation is criticized. Indeed, many react more aggressively when their nation is ridiculed than they do when they are ridiculed! And it is certainly true that many people take their nation more seriously than they take themselves. When one’s pride, self-respect, even sense of purpose, depends on the success or failure of this larger unit, it is hardly surprising.

这些原因就解释了民族主义激发的非理性情感,以及一些人在面对自己国家被批评时所做出的攻击性、甚至暴力反应。的确,很多人在自己国家被嘲笑时,会比自己受到嘲笑时做出更具有攻击性的反应。而且,很多人把国家看得比自己更重,这也是无可争议的事实。当一个人的自豪感、自我尊重感、甚至目标感都取决于这一更大集体的成败时,上述情形也就不足为奇了。

Obsession 偏执

Obsession is another common trait. Since a nationalist invests so much in his country’s success or failure, its triumphs and disasters will totally consume him. But the nationalist tends to link everything back to national identity. So, for example, he will not only claim that his nation’s army or economy is superior, but also that its literature, food, sport, climate, even landscape trumps everyone else’s.

偏执是另一种普遍特征。由于一位民族主义者如此看重国家成败,因此国家的成功和灾难会完全吞噬他。但民族主义者也常常将一切都与国家身份联系起来。因此,比如,他不仅坚称其国家的军队或经济是最优越的,同时其文化、食物、体育、气候,甚至景色也是无与伦比的。

The nationalist will also be highly sensitive about things that other people let slide, such as the proper display of flags. They will also be eager to correct mistakes whenever possible, to claim it was really their country that invented or discovered such and such a thing and that another stole the glory.

民族主义者同时也会对别人不在意的事情高度敏感,比如旗帜的正确摆放方式。他们同时也热衷于在任何可能情形下纠正他人错误,声明是他们的国家最早发明或发现了某样东西,另一个国家只不过偷走了这一荣耀而已。

And nationalists mistakenly assume other people share this obsession. They will thus be quick to take offence, to assume that every insult was deliberate. In fact, other people usually mispronounce the name of some historical figure, or overlook some historical fact, in pure innocence.

而且民族主义者会错误地假设别人都像他们一样如此偏执。因此他们会很容易觉得被冒犯,认为自己眼中的每一次侮辱都是别人故意为之。实际上,其他人通常是完全毫无恶意地说错某位历史人物的名字,或忘记某件历史事实。

Fantasy and Denial 幻想与否认

True nationalists dislike reality, preferring fantasy and denial instead. And such resistance can be astonishing to watch. This is especially true when it comes to the reputation of some great historical figure. Even the greatest had their faults, and yet when these are pointed out, the nationalist will dismiss such criticism as propaganda or outright lies. Of course, when similar accusations are levelled against the hero of a rival nation, they will be accepted, eagerly and without hesitation!

真正的民族主义者讨厌现实,更偏向于幻想和否认。而且这种对现实的抵抗往往令人震惊。当涉及到一些伟大历史人物的名誉时,这尤其明显。甚至最伟大的伟人也有自己的缺陷,但当有人指出这些缺陷时,民族主义者就会将这种批评视为政治宣传或赤裸裸的谎言。当然,当同样的指控落在敌对国家的某位英雄身上时,民族主义者们就会迫切、毫不犹豫地全盘认可!

Nationalists also spend a great deal of their time lost in the past, struggling to accept historic failures and humiliations. Instead, they will often try to personally re-write history. Since their nation is exceptional, such failures make no sense. And, since they make no sense, reasons the nationalist, they cannot have happened, at least not in the way most believe. Tell a nationalist that his country did something shameful in the past and he will probably reply that history is written by the winners, or that others are jealous. When he reads a newspaper or history book he will also practise selective attention, picking out the bits he likes and either ignoring, forgetting, or literally failing to see anything he dislikes.

民族主义者们通常也会花大量时间沉浸于过去,他们难以接受历史上的失败与羞辱,而是常常试图按个人想法改写历史。由于他们的国家是非同一般杰出的,这些失败就完全说不通。而且,这些民族主义者认为,因为这些失败根本说不通,所以它们就不可能真正发生过,至少事实不像大部分人所认为的那样。如果告诉一位民族主义者他的国家曾在历史上做过什么耻辱的事情,他大概率会回答说历史是由胜利者书写的,或者其他人只是嫉妒。当他看新闻,或读历史书时,他也会采取这种选择关注。只挑选他喜欢的部分,而对于不喜欢的部分,则要么是忽略、忘记,或完全看不到。

Inconsistency 不一致性

Tell a nationalist that the armed forces of his neighbor committed mass rape, or shot partisans, and he will believe you immediately. He will then tell you that this is only to be expected, since his neighbor is fundamentally barbaric and uncivilized. Unearth evidence that his own nation did precisely the same thing, however, and he will deny it. Show him photographs and he will dismiss them as forgeries. Give him overwhelming, irrefutable proof, and you will be astonished by the inconsistency. Well, what can you expect, he will say, men traumatized by war act in ways they never would at home. The rapes were part of a collective madness. As for shooting the partisans, it had to be done and was quite justifiable since only men in uniform are protected by the Geneva Convention.

如果告诉一位民族主义者邻国的军队犯下了群体强奸罪行或射杀了一些狂热分子,他会立即相信。之后他会告诉你这完全在意料之中,因为邻国从根本上就是野蛮的、未开化的。但如果挖掘出他自己的国家也做过同样事情的证据,他就会予以否认。给他看照片,他会直接说是伪造。给他看无法辩驳的证据,你会惊讶于他的双标。他很可能会说,受到战争创伤的人会做出非正常举动。这些强奸事件只不过是一种集体疯狂01状态的一种症状而已。而对于射杀狂热分子,这是必须之举,而且是完全有正当理由的,因为只有穿制服的人才受到日内瓦公约的保护。

01 Collective Madness

The concepts "collective madness" and "massive psychogenic disease" they are used to refer to unusual phenomena consisting of the propagation of disorders of psychological origin in multiple members of human communities.

集体疯狂或大规模心因性疾病,是指一种非正常现象,该现象包括:某种因心理因素导致的障碍在人类社群中多个成员之间传播。

Nationalists have also been known to swap their allegiance, transferring their delusions of perfection from one nation to another. Others will change their mind about their own. Many left-wingers in Britain and France, for example, who spent the 1930s criticising, even loathing, their own countries, switched to fervent nationalism when war began against Nazi Germany. And, as has often been noted, many of the most notorious nationalist leaders were not even born in the nation they led. Hitler, for example, was not a German but an Austrian while Stalin was a Georgian!

民族主义者还以轻易改旗换帜而著称。他们会轻易改变所效忠国家,将自己对完美的错觉从一个国家转移到另一个国家之上。其他一些民族主义者则会改变对自己国家的看法。比如,在英国和法国,很多左翼在20世纪30年代抨击甚至厌恶自己的国家,但在与纳粹德国的战争爆发后,他们都变成了狂热的民族主义者。而且,正如人们经常注意到的,很多臭名昭著的民族主义领袖甚至都并非出生于他们所领导的国家。比如,希特勒并非德国人,而是一位奥地利人,而斯大林则是格鲁吉亚人。

Obviously, there is nothing wrong with feeling an affection for one’s nation. And it would be absurd to liken such affection to mental illness. However, in the case of extreme nationalism, certain odd, even disturbing, psychological traits recur. And, given the appalling horror and destruction nationalism can unleash (especially in the age of nuclear weapons), such traits need to be understood.

很明显,对自己国家感到喜爱,这非常正常。如果将这种喜爱说成是一种精神疾病,无疑是很荒唐的。但在极端民族主义中,会重复出现一些奇怪的、甚至令人担忧的心理特征。而且,鉴于民族主义可能引发的惊世骇俗的暴行与破坏(尤其是在核武器时代),我们就需要去了解这些特征。

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